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काठमाडौंमा वायुको गुणस्तर: ९८

A cowardly swamp in the garb of tumult

Prachanda and Oli's fierce defense of Lamichhane's financial misappropriation and co-operative abuse of Lamichhane after handing over the ministry against self-interest has undermined good governance.
शुभशंकर कँडेल

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The entire Nepalese politics went into a terrible quagmire due to far-reaching political decisions such as the dissolution of the CPN and the unimaginable attack on the parliament. The mysterious junctures of its effects are slowly unfolding. It can be considered that the sudden disintegration of the CPN, which was wrapped in a Marxist cloak of theoretical-political envelope, has broken the cloud of despair that has been overshadowing the Nepali political market at once.

A cowardly swamp in the garb of tumult

Due to the repeated dissolution of the parliament, Juina, who did not get the support of the political system of the new constitution, reached Fuskan. As an aftershock, the country was forced to crawl into the chaos of an apolitical electoral alliance that killed the left movement. As a result, a new cycle of fragile parliaments and incomprehensible equations began. The fact that UML, which is waiting for Congress to violate the pre-election agreement, made Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda the prime minister was itself a new chapter of rudeness and dishonesty in the political arena, which naturally made the people more angry. In this continuity, the Congress stood at the turn of disrupting the order. Also, the intellectual luxury of giving the Congress a Prachanda-marg agreement was going on.

All the remaining parties from UML, RPPA and RSVP lined up to support Prachanda, who was accused as the 'tail' of the Congress throughout the election, was a strange political mockery in itself. Again, the country's largest party also came to support Prachanda. "The Maoist party has gone in the right direction, more than that they have gone into a quagmire. They are stuck in the quagmire of casteism and regionalism. Due to this, the communist movement has suffered a lot, which is why we are very sad (Singh, 24 October 2071). Ten years after the veteran leftist leader Mohan Vikram was suffering like this, Prachanda seems puzzled not to find a way to escape from his own quagmire of the post of Prime Minister for the third time.

Congressman Kitchlow

Saharia, from the elite to foreign policy politicians, seemed happy to see the Prachanda-led government returning to the pre-election alliance as a result of strong interest from the south-west as well as Sher Bahadur Deuba's stake. But the fire of chaff within the Congress was not extinguished, it was spreading. The Congress General Committee meeting turned into an occasion where the fire of ashes took the form of a wildfire. That meeting showed the pre-election alliance as an apolitical party standing against politicized electoral politics by making an apolitical pact. Moreover, Congress had sunk into the quagmire to the extent of attacking the very essence of the republican constitution, not only because of the condemnation of the one who held the throne. Rather than the Congress swamp, Prachanda's incredible upheaval of the left is beyond imagination. This much can be said, right now Prachanda and the country are falling into the swamp.

destination of upheaval

In Nepali politics since 2000, Prachanda has been using new political terminology in every political mode. Remembering terms such as stormy years, land realisation, great leap forward, disruption, backstabbing, servant-master, encirclement, regression and civilian supremacy refer to ten years of Maoist war and another ten years of peaceful Maoist politics. This time, after breaking the alliance with the Congress and forming an equation with the UML, he has resorted to tumultuous terminology. In the language of warning, he has indicated more uncertainty by commenting that he will not hesitate to make upheaval again if necessary within a month of the new equation. Also, the political environment after the last election has been submerged in the swamp of instability. On top of that, the Prachanda government took action against high-level leaders and employees from his own party to the opposition party in crimes like the fake Bhutanese refugee case, Lalita Niwas and the gold scandal. Bureaucrats who believe that this has created a situation of panic and fear more than the foundation for good governance and the market, which is considered the driving force of the supposedly liberal economy, has put a brake on the government's functionality and economic activities.

The behavior of the allies of the current power equation, RSVP, JSP and S, has further disappointed the common people. The fact that the Prime Minister and KP Sharma Oli defended the ministry against Ravi Lamichhane, one after the other financial misappropriation and co-operative abuse, has undermined good governance. As the RSVP has not yet taken the form of a party, the market has been heated by political gossip that can be torn to pieces by power interests and greed at any time. Upendra Yadav has always been in the minority in the two decades since the formation of the party. He has also failed to control his group. The plight of the Madhav Nepal group is peculiar. Rajendra Pandey is seen as a stronger Congressman than the Congress, while Madhav Nepal himself has been forcing Prachanda and Oli to fall in line step by step in the style of 'whatever you get, that's what you get'. So much so that even in the by-elections of Elam, S has encouraged the Congress by electing a separate candidate, while the spectacle shown in the Far West and Bagmati state government is shameful in itself.

equation or alliance?

'Alliance change did not happen suddenly. The new alliance with the UML was done after deliberation. The goal is to bring the left wing forces together. So the current ruling coalition is literally implemented as the party decides with the goal of long-term survival. Based on that, a place will be created between the left forces (Prachanda, training activists at the party office, 13 Chait 2080).' It's just an equation. Now the parties have separate programs and plans and manifestos (18 Chait 2080). While speaking in Pokhara before Oli, General Secretary Shankar Pokharel also said that UML's overall focus was on Mission 084, and that it was focused on the need to break the siege against them in order to build a strong national power. On the afternoon of 26th March, a foreign diplomat was saying to this columnist, 'Now here comes the equation and alliance.' The dispute between UML-Maoist is not a hidden issue, but a bisque spilled on the streets.

In the last meeting, the UML rejected the possibility of communist unity, which has been threatening various power centers for the time being. The alliance and siege against NCP (UML) has been broken. UML's leading role in national politics has been established once again. Hope and confidence have been reawakened in the people, albeit a little, by the new power collaboration. While building power cooperation, our party has not put any of its interests at the center. At this time, the polarization carried forward in the name of left-wing unity or socialist pole or any other, which prohibits certain parties, ideas or power, is not reasonable, practical and beneficial. As cooperation deepens and an atmosphere of trust builds, tomorrow's like-minded people will gradually converge. It should be so. But these days it is more important to move forward with all the positive forces (Political Report of the Congress Representative Council, 2081). are However, there will be glorification of Oli's use of diplomatic language to reduce the fear of UML-Maoist alliance strategically.

geopolitical geomorphology The South-West has felt a big shock with the

left equation. There is doubt as to what will happen to the much talked about power generation and power trade agreement with India. India has given a strategic message by renewing the agreement, which normally has to be renewed every year, for only three months. The recent permission of a Chinese proxy company to build a 10 MW solar plant in Kohalpur near the Indian border has been taken by the Indian establishment as an anti-India move of the new equation. The old complaint that Oli has invited the Chinese to build an industrial park with a view tower in Damak to overlook the chicken neck is still the same. The much-talked-about American project, MCC, has yet to start due to problems. Recently, Narayankaji Shrestha's mysterious visit to China has fueled geopolitical doubts. Thus in Nepal BRI, MCC and India's vigilance towards China have come to the surface as the main complications of our political development. Further complicating this matter is the power equation in the tumultuous thrill. Although these topics are not necessarily new, they have certainly become sufficient factors for new geopolitical commentary.

At this moment, the one and a half month long Lok Sabha election has started in India. The entire Indian machinery is on fire for elections. While preparing for the third term, Narendra Modi has raised doubts by saying 'Bada Hune Wala Hai'. In the context of Nepal, it is being assumed that the policy of breaking the left-dominated coalition of Aruchi or strengthening the existing equation can be adopted. Internationally, if the commentary that Indian democracy is turning into electoral fascism turns into reality, it is certain that Nepal will be hit the hardest and very quickly. If Hinduism prevails in India and electoral dictatorship is practiced, it will directly affect Nepal. The sign of Indian politics moving in this direction has been shown by the signature campaign conducted at the recent Congress General Committee meeting. In the long term, if the left deviates from the goal of unity, the latest upheaval by Prachanda is sure to be a terrible quagmire for the country.


प्रकाशित : वैशाख १२, २०८१ ०८:१२
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