Hundred days of government and justification

During this period, the Council of Ministers has been reshuffled five times - February 21, 23 and 27, Chait 12 and Baisakh 31. There is still talk of manipulation. The achievement of 100 days is not a list of the achievements of the day-to-day operations of the state system such as catching small items at customs, signing labor agreements with three more countries, searching for criminals, holding meetings or programs that have already started during the previous government. In

achievement, the government's initial blueprint, speed and working style, innovative thinking and integrity according to the direction taken by it are seen according to the manifesto and minimum common resolution. Whether the government is in accordance with the democratic system and the rule of law, it is being shunned from accountability and responsibility and is moving towards protecting instability and corruption in the name of good governance.

The Prime Minister made various accusations against the Congress on the pretext of suddenly changing power partners. Ministers were accused of not being committed to the policies and programs they prioritized, of not helping the Prime Minister by behaving like an all-in-one, and of not helping to pass the Transitional Justice Bill. His accusations were that he was not interested in making laws to strengthen the federal structure, did not agree to change the ministers who were seen as lacking in efficiency, passed a resolution in the Congress General Committee meeting that the party would not form a political alliance in the upcoming elections, etc. Therefore, it is desirable to review and evaluate the justification, activities and achievements of the current coalition government in light of these accusations made by the Prime Minister on the Congress.

Less than 100 days later, the rumors of serious disputes and conflicts between the members of the government have reached the surface. In the meantime, the process of formation and collapse of governments in the provinces also continued, as if the role and function of the provinces in federalism was blinded by the center. The five-party coalition government announced the 'minimum policy priority and common resolution' with a written promise to 'remove despair, build trust'. It is extremely depressing and regrettable that today's government has miserably carried out its own commitment to run the government with the "socialist-oriented economic-social transformation with political stability, good governance, development and social justice... with the determination to fulfill national aspirations...". Therefore, after seeing the "achievements" of 100 days, the question "100 days or zero days?" has been raised from the public.

All the five parties of the ruling coalition are not new and inexperienced in running the state, no pretense is exempt. In my experience, democratic governance is very challenging, complex and difficult, and I sympathize with that. But no one has the freedom and forgiveness to make the minimum common resolution that they spontaneously announced in the name of the people like a false tamsuk of lies and fraud. Parliament is not running like a parliament, nor is the government running like a government. Because parties are not running like parties. Not for the country, but for the sole purpose of preserving power and extending the prime minister's term, the reality of changing power partners has faded like the sun. Yenken's stay in power was the achievement of 100 days for the government.

The demands of the Congress leaders to speed up the judicial inquiry by opening the file on post-2046 corruption went unheeded. Instead, the anti-corruption action against Lalita Niwas land, fake Bhutanese refugees, Ncell's multi-billion corruption case, land of Giribandhu Tea Estate, gold smuggling, co-operative fraud charges against the Home Minister has been relaxed in a period of 100 days. Instead of conducting a fair and independent investigation, evidence has been weakened or cases have been concealed.

The decision of the Supreme Court Constitutional Bench on Giribandhu Tea Estate, January 24, 2080, contrary to the intention and direction of some Nepal Act Amendment 2081 regarding Investment Facilitation, introducing an ordinance to allow more than 50 percent of the land above the limit to be kept in the bank is not only a direct insult to the independent judiciary, but also aims to protect corruption. seems The fact that the Congress, the largest and most prominent opposition party in the Parliament, had to strongly and forcefully oppose the formation of a Parliamentary Inquiry Committee in the Cooperative Fraud Case proves that the government is reluctant to control corruption and economic crime. The cowardice and dishonesty of those in power to make serious objections to parliamentarians but accept the challenge and not investigate.

It is heard that efforts are being made to protect the accused from their respective parties and interest groups, such as giving silent protection in the cooperative fraud case for not raising the case of Giribandhu Tea Estate as a form of mutual cooperation between the constituents of power. During this period, the government made no effort to pass the Transitional (Conflict) Justice Bill. There was no initiative or effort to make the federal structure legally strong and the scope clear. The allegation made against the Congress to change the alliance has been proved to be a white lie.

In a conspiracy to launch a new stock exchange, an important organization like the Securities Board has been stuck in negotiations for six months with the post of chairman vacant. This kind of gambling on people's investment of 34-35 trillion is causing an extraordinary shock to the expansion and development of the capital market. The government's minimally shared resolve to 'make financial institutions free of anomalies' or 'boost broken morale' has become a cruel joke and a farcical document. Economic indicators look negative, depressing and alarming. The 100 days of the government did not give new hope to the fact that industry, trade or all businesses are closing down due to the grip of the Great Depression. Health insurance could not go above 25 percent. One lakh corona insured have not received payment till date. The government has seen itself as a farmer in giving or getting payment to milk producers and sugarcane farmers. The government has also become apathetic in paying billions to builders.

Last December, the government took the policy of giving the responsibility of all the programs of less than three crore rupees to the provincial or local governments. But in the recently presented budget, it is mentioned that programs of one lakh rupees have been distributed in 99 places. The extreme injustice and favoritism in the distribution of budgets between districts is limitless and appalling. Unless the economic development is proportional to the people below the absolute poverty line and the budget is not just and inclusive, the budget will only become a tool for the self-interest of those in power. There is no concrete policy of the government regarding import substitution and export promotion. Nepal has 45 percent forests while India and China have 22 and 23 percent respectively. But why do we import 18 billion worth of furniture every year? The government should respond.

By empowering the regulatory bodies like the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority with tools and resources, the government's decision to take legal action against corruption and provide good governance along with smooth service delivery has become a cover to hide corruption, populism and corruption. The indiscriminate transfer and promotion of seniority in the administration and the police has made the administrative system functioning as a permanent government more weak, weak and helpless.

The government is not free from the guilt of breaking up the Janata Samajwadi Party due to the interests of power. Parties are democratic institutions of the people. Democratic institutions cannot be strengthened when the tradition of such misdeeds is established by the authorities. Similar activities and actions in the provinces have started to strengthen instability, mistrust and questions in the organizational structure and system. The

has played on foreign policy sensitivities. During the Prime Minister's visit to India on June 27-28, when he met with his Indian counterpart, Narendra Modi, there was a violation of protocol and rule of law in international relations by not including government officials. The foreign policy was made weak and ridiculous by recalling ambassadors posted to 11 countries, including India, on the eve of their visit to India. On such serious matters, the Prime Minister does not get immunity by saying 'I did not know' or 'I did not remember that'.

In a period of 100 days, the government showed its incompetence and unreasonableness. So let's all think now, for certain missions and goals, Nepal's institutional role in foreign policy, national security policy, radical economic reform, national anti-corruption program, climate change and crisis resolution is necessary. It is time to pay serious attention to the direction of building the path of national unity by making contemporary amendments and reforms in the constitution a national goal.

– KC is a member of the House of Representatives and a member of the Congress Central Committee.