Reform through political party transformation

Expectations are turning to dissatisfaction, trust to betrayal, hope to disappointment and trust to confusion. It was not unusual for the people to come to such a disappointing conclusion after the end of autocracy and the establishment of democracy for about 35 years and the establishment of the republic for two decades. Will the government and parties be successful in solving the existing problems of Nepali society and building a better Nepal according to the wishes of the people? The existing problem will not be solved until there is reform and transformation in the

party. In a democratic system, it is the parties that run the state. Both the source and the solution to the present distortions and anomalies are parties. As long as there is no reform, transformation and purification in the party, there is no possibility of getting rid of the current crisis and problems. Therefore, the starting point and first condition of reform is party transformation. But, will the party of Nepal be reformed and transformed? Is it just a mirage or a possibility? If so, what are the agenda, methodology and process for such reform and transformation? Some of these fundamental theoretical questions remain unanswered. Therefore, an attempt has been made to objectively analyze those unanswered questions and the path of transformation from the national-international context and theoretical dimension.

Timely reinterpretation of ideology

Every party has its own specific theoretical, ideological and class base. A party has a special importance of arguments, principles and ideas. Because they are based on the same arguments, principles and ideas. The ideas, principles and policies of the party, which are alive and successful in the ordeal of the people, are dynamic, changeable and timely. A party that follows a timely people oriented policy is vibrant, popular and relevant. But those who cannot follow the timely policy are displaced by the people and they are buried in history.

The parties of Nepal also have their own theoretical, ideological and class base. But they seem to be giving more priority to arguments, theories and ideas than citizen-oriented and progressive policies and programs. Therefore, some policies of the party seem to be radical rather than dynamic and citizen-oriented. But when analyzing the Fourth Industrial Revolution in the context of the modern age like the twenty-first century, an environment has been created where the party's traditional doctrines, principles and ideas have to be modified, explained or reinterpreted according to the people's wishes and time. In the changing national and international scenario, Nepal's political, geopolitical, economic, social, cultural and commercial dimensions are becoming very complex and challenging. It is imperative that all parties seriously self-evaluate and self-examine this reality.

Now, not the noise and pollution of serial speeches with political jargon from the government and the party, people are looking for a solid roadmap to solve the problems facing the country and the people. But classical theories, abstract ideas and traditional policies and programs are not likely to solve the complex and burning issues created in Nepali society. Acknowledging this reality, it is necessary for the parties to publish a white paper with concrete policies, plans and programs to solve the problems faced by the country and the people, not just paper and ceremonial documents.

What is the appropriate model of timely economic policy and development to build a prosperous Nepal? What is the concrete policy to end corruption and ensure good governance? What is the policy on quality and universal education and health? At a time when thousands of young people are going abroad due to the unemployment problem, have you lost the white paper on creating decent employment opportunities in the country? What is the roadmap for establishing an equitable society by ensuring social justice? The government of all three levels lost a document with a commitment to provide services to the people in an accessible way? What is the formula for solving the problems of cooperatives, microfinance and metered poor, farmers, landless citizens? Why is it that the hassles and problems faced by the citizens while creating citizenship and passports, which are the general and mandatory obligations of the state, have not been resolved even so far? These are the questions of the Nepali people now, the issues are the same and the priority is the same.

If the government and parties had followed the appropriate policy and delivered, the situation in the country would not have been so dire and the people would not have been so disappointed. Such confusion, uncertainty and complexity have been created because the parties have not run the state and the party following a timely, appropriate and people-oriented policy. The parties like Congress, UML, Maoists, which have been in power for a long time, are power-oriented, status quo and alienated from citizens. It seems that the new parties, characters and trends are not only populist, authoritarian and liberal, but are becoming synonymous with controversy, distortion and inconsistency. They don't even have a third political vocabulary other than Mission-84 and Satta. Therefore, not only the old parties like Congress, UML, Maoist, Samajwadi, RPP, etc., but also the new parties, characters and tendencies, it is necessary to transform from a theoretical-ideological point of view.

organizational transformation

Theoretical-conceptual transformation is not enough, fundamental transformation is essential from the organizational point of view. The organizational structures of the party are seen as huge, unwieldy and unnecessary. According to the values ​​and beliefs of the democratic system, they are not run in a lawful and legal manner. The party's decision-making process is not institutionalized, participatory and transparent. Internal democracy seems very weak. The leadership seems to be dominated by unresponsive, opaque and authoritarian tendencies. The parties themselves are being transformed into exploitative agencies of the state. Party leaders and workers are not financially independent, they are dependent and dependent on the original leadership. In some respects, they seem to be more brokers, middlemen and commission agents than party leaders and workers. Where will such tendencies, practices and character lead the party? Therefore, until these issues are improved, there is no possibility of party transformation and purification.

Based on the number of members, the 5 largest parties in the world are the Bharatiya Janata Party (18 million), the Chinese Communist Party (96 million), the Democratic Party of America (47 million), the Indian Congress (45 million), the Republican Party of America ( 3 crore 70 lakhs). In Britain with a population of 67.7 million, there are 432,000 (0.645) members of the Labor Party, 172,000 (0.255) members of the Conservative Party and 74,000 (0.115) members of the Liberal Democratic Party. In Nepal, which has a population of 291 million, there are about 860,000 (2.965) members of the Congress, about 600,000 (2.65) members of the UML and about 400,000 (1,375) members of the Maoists.

When doing a comparative study, it was found that there are more party members in Nepal than in Britain. Parties prioritize membership to expand their organization or establish themselves as popular parties, which is natural. On the one hand, there are so many party members, on the other hand, the workers are dependent on the party and the leader. This is why parties and leaders have become visible and invisible sources and protectors of corruption. It is not a contribution to the party and the country, but it is found that people join the party for the purpose of gaining status and wealth to exploit the state. Should party transformation be initiated from membership numbers and organization system? Could this be the starting point of party reform?

Nepali society and state structures need to be democratized. But in the name of democratization, the parties have not only politicized Nepali society and even the state structure, they have been partying. Academic and research institutions, constitutional bodies, universities, civil administration, educational institutions have been politicized and partisanized. At some times and in some contexts, it has dared to politicize by interfering with the security agencies as well. In the name of fraternal and benevolent organizations, every organization, level and section of the society has been partying. This level of political interference and partisanship is against the values, beliefs and practices of a liberal democratic system. Therefore, it is necessary for the parties to immediately rethink about the fraternal and benevolent organizations and stop undemocratic and suicidal tendencies like partying in the name of democratic system.

In order to end the autocracy and establish a federal democratic republic through political revolution, movement and struggle, the parties needed to be cadre-based and the party needed full-time members. But after the establishment of the Federal Democratic Republic and the initiation of the natural democratic and constitutional process, there is no need for a political revolution or movement and struggle. A worker-based party is a communist ie Leninist organization system. Despite being a democratic party, Congress has also been influenced and inspired by the communist organization system and has become a party based on half workers and half people. Therefore, not only the Congress, but all including the Communists should be transformed into a mass-based party. Since the party will be based on the people, there is no justification for the two-member system. So now all parties should have a single member system. This will be the most important dimension from the point of view of party transformation.

There is no financial transparency in any party. The audit report is submitted to the Election Commission for formalities. But in the name of donations, parties have been running through invisible sources and additional processes. In the name of donations and financial support, industrialists, traders, businessmen, middlemen, contractors and disreputable characters seem to be gaining ground. From the party's important policy decisions to the distribution of tickets and from the government's economic interest policy decisions and large development and infrastructure construction projects, the role of such class is becoming decisive. This is the biggest discrepancy from the point of view of financial transparency of the party. Therefore, from the point of view of party reform and transformation, financial transparency and legitimate income are essential conditions.

The process of ticket distribution and political appointment from federal to local level seems to be the most controversial and opaque in the party. Such decisions are not made in an institutional, participatory and legislative manner. In such decisions, it seems that the top leadership group is being inspired and making decisions unilaterally and arbitrarily. This is the reason why there have been widespread debates, disputes and revolts within the party. Therefore, distribution of tickets should now be done on the basis of primary elections, while political appointments should be made on the basis of merit like vision, competence and ability. If such a system and practice is initiated, the party will take a significant leap in terms of transformation. The need for

visionary and popular leadership

Only by theoretical-ideological and organizational transformation, the problem will not be solved. Because the biggest problem is in leadership. Congress, UML, Maoists, United Socialists, Janata Samajwadi, etc., have failed because they have been in the leadership of the party for a long time and failed to deliver despite being given many opportunities. Even those parties are becoming unpopular among the people. Without such a failed, unpopular and unresponsive leadership change, the chances of re-establishing public confidence in mainstream parties seem slim. Therefore, a popular leadership with a clear approach and vision, energetic, responsive to the people and trusted by the people and workers is the need of the moment.

There is neither a favorable environment for leadership development within the party, nor a democratic, lawful and healthy practice of leadership transfer. The top leadership of all the parties seem to suffer from the mental illness of being in leadership once they are in leadership. They have sterilized the very process of leadership development. In the leadership line of the second or third generation, rather than on the basis of ideas, policies, programs, organization and people base, there is a leadership-dependent or slave tendency to inherit or take blessings from the leadership. But the second, third or new generation must have the confidence to rise to leadership through a democratic process, not by inheriting or being blessed by a failed leadership, but by challenging leadership with alternative ideas and perspectives.

UML, Maoist, United Socialist, Janata Samajwadi and other parties do not have a positive environment in terms of leadership development, nor is there a possibility of a new leadership coming through the convention in the near future. Compared to other parties, Congress has a positive atmosphere in terms of leadership development. A new leadership will be installed in the Congress after two years. Because according to the constitution, the president has only two terms, Sher Bahadur Deuba will retire after the 14th Congress term ends. Therefore, due to Deuba's mandatory retirement, a rare door has opened for leadership development and transfer in the Congress.

Deuba was challenged by the Shekhar Koirala-Gagan Thapa group with the main agenda of party transformation, reform and leadership change in the 14th Congress. Gagan Thapa and Vishwaprakash Sharma were elected as Chief Ministers with popular votes on the basis of alternative policies and programs by competing with the strong establishment party. When reviewing the developments from the 14th Congress to the recently concluded General Committee meeting, it seems that Chairman Deuba and the founding party are becoming more weak and unpopular, while the transformative edge and transformative leadership seem to have gained more political and psychological power. Analyzing from this scenario, the basis for the establishment of a visionary, energetic, popular and young generation leadership from the transformative and transformative edge of the people from the upcoming convention seems to be strong. So the Congress is likely to get a new lease of life from the 15th Congress.

conclusion

It is indispensable to create a healthy, democratic and favorable environment for leadership development and transfer not only in Congress, but in all parties. The faster the Congress, UML, Maoists and other parties get rid of the current failed and unpopular leadership, the faster those parties will get a revival. If not, serious questions will be raised about their future and justification. Will reformist, transformative and new generation leaders-activists within the party go along with the failed and unpopular leadership or will they lead reform and transformation? The future of the party and the destiny of Nepal lies in their vision, role and ability. If there is no transformation in the party and the government and the party are not able to deliver as per the expectations of the people, then an unimaginable accident can happen. The party and the leadership became conscious!

(Not only politics, but industry, business, agriculture, education, health, tourism, banking, cinema, literature, there is disappointment everywhere now. The country cannot bear the weight of this disappointment for a long time. To promote lively faith, Kantipur has started a series of ideas- A 'starting point' where different experts will write proposals for reform, continuously.)