कान्तिपुर वेबसाईट
२३.१२°C काठमाडौं
काठमाडौंमा वायुको गुणस्तर: ११२

"Desher Kanvasat Rajvanshi"

Tribalism is not just a concept. This is the legacy of such civilization, culture and society. Those who were not given the place they deserved by the rest of society.

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While the initiative to promulgate the constitution was going on and in parallel disagreements were appearing from many angles, Kumar Ambuj's Hindi story 'Sfatik' was published during that period. This story was bringing out a very harsh reality. It was said that murder, like any other act, is an act which is legally right and morally right.

Not only that, most of the people who do such things are not terrible criminals, they are very civilized, respectable, elegant and beautiful. The narrator's implication is clear that the killing of one's opponents by the authorities is a global problem. It can be solved not at the individual or local level, but at the global level. New doors cannot be opened on an ideological level until we begin to think about the ethics of

murders and the aesthetic sense of killers. In the tumultuous conflict of the dominant, 'debate' is given more importance than debate. When the creator sees deprivation and abuse of rights around him, he is quick to express himself. The only fault of a tribal dynastic community is that it is dynastic. When you encounter an innocent question in the remote countryside of Jhapa – 'Is being a royal really a crime?' On the ground floor, a landscape of chaos, immorality, atrocities, fear and depression pervades like a curse.

The dream of mainstreaming dynastic society is as just as it is sensitive. Koch's story is painful about the thirst for basic human dignity, the pain of being dependent on one's own land, the disappearing heritage, the trap of becoming unacquainted with one's own past, the cruel reality of giving oneself up for social upliftment. Not only the fish but also the frogs are crying to change the dirty water of the Kankai, Biring, Ratuwa and Bakraha rivers here. It has not stopped growing. The way of breaking the chest has changed. The key to unraveling the problem should be found in it. In the name of development, did the murderous wolf enter? Hindi poet Shamsher Bahadur Singh comes to mind - 'Hakikat ko lae takhaiyul se bahar, meri mushkiton ka jo hal koi lae.' It must be said, this history has been pushed to the verge of neglect by the mainstream historians. Nor was it that historians were unfamiliar with these struggles. Rather, prejudice prevailed over his neutrality. This was also the case, perhaps they were suffering from personal ignorance that did not consider and say that the country of history is the basis of social consciousness.

Even after digesting the culmination of oppression, the thinking and power to invisibilize the existing dynastic identity is still active. They come up with proposals for 'development-change', in a more developed way than before. Because in order to shine in the light of democracy, such a collection must be broken. It cannot be said that his ear-pleasing words are not a promise of development. Like they say to raise old slums to make the railway project a success. In the determination of constituencies from the bottom to the top, making them ready to accept the proposal that they cannot win the election by making a minority, bringing new colonial tools and using them should not be considered as creating a conflict. There are so many things for the royalists that they are unable to call this sheer planning. This is the inevitable basis for standing tall, but they are not able to stand up.

After the land is withheld in the name of the railway project, there are problems such as division between families, deprivation of banking services, and there is a fear of upheaval in small-scale land owners and settlements with Raithane identity. The residents of the affected area have alleged that there was no on-site study and coordination with the locals. These questions are related to the Kakdavitta-Inaruwa section under the Mechi-Mahakali Electric Railway. The railway project, widely touted as the backbone of development, is also connected with the social and economic life of the tribals, including the Rajvanshis, just like the construction of the East-West Highway during the Panchayat period. Since the settlement itself will be up and down, it will change the local power relations. There was no broader discussion of how the railway project would reproduce the multifaceted relationships of tribals. How did a civilization die out in the recent past because of the power that took credit for building the road? Never thought.

'We have to do it, because if we don't do it, no one else will come to protect our culture and power of our dynastic people.' This week, when this rower reached a village dominated by royals in the eastern Terai, he met many people who dreamed of bringing about a wave of consciousness. Well, they can't give a proper answer to the slogans that were voiced until a decade ago are getting old. Where did the liberation movement of the tribals in the Eastern Terai disappear? Why is it lost? It is said that if there is no democracy with socio-economic equality, political democracy will be in crisis. The fact that it is necessary to reorganize several aspects to strengthen federalism and accommodate the demands of the people of different regions and groups has received increasing support in Koshi Province recently.

Rankumar Rajvanshi in his poetry collection 'Bagadumka' writes encouragingly - 'Asambhava Kunthe Che? Kodhoe na taki, harsambhava pratpa chhe, manat persama rakhi. History is written not only by those who win, but also by those who fight. It should be written not only of those who are tired of fighting, but also of those who lost, but also of Yudhisthira, who lost everything in Shakuni's duel. Therefore, the discussion of losers in informal history is burning.

Jhapa is a district of Nepalese political strugglers. Former politician Gopal Kumar Basnet has written in 'Afnai Seroforo Bhirt' - 'There are two types of people in Jhapa, one cheats and one keeps cheating. There is always fraud by creating some kind of maze, putting the law, court etc. completely on one's side. No matter how honest or hardworking the other person is, he will only fall into the trap of fraud. The stories of many Kirte-Kaitees are unwritten. Many stories are untold. Many people's stories have been covered up. Similarly, Niroj Kattel from Jhapa has discussed the struggle stories of Viren Rajvanshi, Visulal Rajvanshi in '2028: Jhapa Uprising's Narrative'. Through these two books, the state of the dynasty losing everything in its own way and those who are struggling in search of equality can be told. No less interesting is the tragedy of some who went to strengthen the people to unwittingly join the game of weakening the dynasty.

The 'tribalism' of the dynastic society was evident in its closeness to nature, coexistence, social tolerance, collectivity. Today it is facing the same risk. Tribalism is not just a concept, it is a legacy of a civilization, culture and society that was not given the place it deserved by the rest of society. The history that began by stripping them of everything, forever relegated these first societies of the eastern Terai to second class status. Their knowledge production was called hey.

In Rajvanshi Chowk located in Rajgarh of Jhapa, a full-length statue of a citizen of the Rajvanshi community has been placed to reflect the culture of the Rajvanshi community. Two idols made by the Pawan dynasty have been placed to reflect the costumes and lifestyle of the male and female royal community. The national flag of Nepal is fluttering in the hand of that symbolic statue. Artist Pawan says - 'It is a dream that the dynasties will be safe, respected and prosperous under the Nepali flag.' Will the power of Biratnagar and Kathmandu have the ability to face such a dream? Only when the majority government is careful and sensitive to find answers to this can the newly sown seeds of democracy germinate.

was an opportunity to reveal the hidden stories of the dynasties during the mass movement. To strengthen the struggle, political parties came with their lot and also made access. But slowly the politics of supremacy has started to reach the rear again. On the other hand, during the Panchayat period, the dynasts used to get the upper hand in the local chiefdom, now it is difficult for them to succeed in the competition like the Madhesi Dalits in the politics of numbers. A large number of dynasties have begun to see their own interests in being oppressed with their tribalism as a pillow. The commentators of Navasatta refer to such a situation as the sun of Navasamanjasya rising from the east. In such a way, it is not less complicated to understand the essence and form of the dream of multicolorism of the dynasties on the canvas of the country.

प्रकाशित : चैत्र २२, २०८० ०९:१३
जनताको राय

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