Anniversary of the Forgotten Rebellion

As the flow of rivers in the Mahabharata mountain range has become unpredictable, flood warnings have to be heeded with caution. The risk of landslides has increased exponentially due to the road networks that have been dug by undermining the relatively new layers of the mid-mountains. Madhesh has suffered a triple blow - the average temperature is increasing, the underground water level is decreasing due to the destruction of Chure and the forest of Bhavar is being cut down in the name of resettlement of the squatters, so flash floods are spreading as rainwater does not have a place to get trapped. As

problems have worsened, the government's work has become limited to immediate response to emergencies. After the bus is swept away by the river, the search for the diver begins. Dozers are sent to rescue those buried by landslides. Those drowning in the ditches towards Madhesh are accounted for, but no one seems worried that the wetlands that absorb the flood are running out. No one seems to have taken the initiative to find a practical solution like 'Har Ghar Nal Yojana' in Bihar, India, for public sanitation.

Kathmandu has high standards. Increased import of fans, coolers and air-conditioners increases revenue. There is no shortage of information that air conditioners raise the ambient temperature and make life difficult for those who work in the sun, a lack of sensitivity is a characteristic of the affluent everywhere. Heavy rains were not seen in the capital this year. It is not like the scorching sun will stop burning even in October. As per forecast of meteorologists, the monsoon which ends in September may extend till mid-October this time. If that happens, the 'smell' of Kathmandu's rivers will remain bearable until the Chhath festival this year!

Plants change their cycle slowly. Parijat called the flower plant 'Tree of Sorrow' or 'Tree of Sadness' in English, meaning 'tree of sadness'. The flowers that bloom on the plant at night fall to the ground when the sun shines. Seeing the fate of the fallen flowers from the branches, the leaves are saddened and wither. Unnatural destiny does not always happen. Parijat is the most sacred flower that is plucked from the ground instead of being plucked from a branch and offered to gods and ancestors.

According to a popular legend in Kathmandu, when Indra fell from heaven to the Nepal valley after the flower of Parijat was taken prisoner, his mother promised the fog for her son's freedom and took Devaraj to heaven. The public celebration of Indrajatra is still associated with that seemingly improbable story. The arrogant commoner King Jayaprakash Malla, his irresponsible courtiers, the restless Sahu Mahajan and Madhosh Raiti could not stand the tendency of Gorkhali king Prithvi Narayan Shah to cover up his opportunity.

According to many singers of Shah dynasty, it was Rakpat Begar who succeeded in capturing Kantipur. The residents of the valley, who were defeated by the long blockade of the Gorkhalis, welcomed the invading army in the hope of relief. Such sagas are composed to justify the victor. In the end, if truth prevails, the war must be waged by the victors. At least in matters connected with power, it seems closer to reality that the winning side determines the truth.

The story of the heroism of the soldiers of the Malla King of Nepal Valley seems to have almost disappeared from memory. According to Milan Kundera, the writer who gives literary expression to dissent, the struggle against power and authority is the struggle of memory against oblivion. Perhaps the last warrior to revive the collective amnesia of the prosperous Newa community was Padmaratna Tuladhar (1940–2018). As usual, this time also Indrajatra will probably be celebrated with much fanfare. Nepal's power culture should be said to be co-ordinating and peaceful because even the losers join in the jubilation of the winners. Kashmiri-American poet Aga Shahid Ali's lament 'Your history blocks my memory...' is the common cry of all the lost. The victors cover such sounds with the roar of victory.

Raktamya Sharad

Memories of similar events and experiences are not the same. It has been a decade and a half since the Maoists, who pushed the country into armed conflict for a decade (1995-2006), joined the mainstream as partners in power. Incidents such as 'Operation Romeo' and 'Kilo Sera-2', which alienated the common people due to the brutal action of the Nepal Police, are no longer even in public discussion. Maoists have devalued their own politics by using the word 'violence' in the political debate. The Maoists, who entered Kathmandu Valley after ending the armed conflict with the security forces almost in a draw, may not be able to survive the subsequent geopolitical and cultural competition, they have reached the point of rejecting the main process of their politics. Mao, the savior of China's proletariat, said – “Revolution is not a dinner party or writing an essay or painting or embroidering. It cannot be refined, leisurely and gentle, restrained, kind, polite, restrained and generous. A revolution is a rebellion.

The main objective of the street demonstrations sponsored by the White Shirts (White Shirts), which have been seen on the streets of Akkalzhukkal Kathmandu since 2010, was to cancel the referendum in the Constituent Assembly of 2008. The conspiratorial dissolution of the first Constituent Assembly in 2012 was aimed at 'bringing the Maoists to size' and 'keeping the Madhesi in place'. It is also true that the results of the Legislative Parliament held in 2013 boosted the morale of the status quoists.

Having accepted the notion that the mandate of the revolution could be truncated by elections of a regular nature, the Maoists had no moral argument left to justify their armed struggle. As the Maoists fully accepted their defeat in 2015, he may have been forced to push his 'glorious' past into oblivion. There seems to be no thinker left within the Maoist ranks who can explain the anomalies of his disturbing present. Perhaps the biggest problem with dialectical ideologies around the world is their inability to embrace refinement through dialogic culture. Maoist Sarvesarva Pushpa Kamal Dahal's 'Artless Play', which turned a cultural defeat into a political victory, has been continuously staged since 2015. Following the tradition of

, the Government of Nepal has called to celebrate the Constitution Day and National Day, 2081 with grandeur. The rituals specified for September 19 are also performed regularly. The tradition of the Honorable President receiving the army salute and the respected elders of the national life gathering at the military stage of Tundikhel and showing their presence has continued. On the occasion of the National Day, the dignitaries of the capital will gather at the Rashtrapati Bhavan in the evening and have a Republic dinner.

Apart from government offices, there are probably few people who celebrate Diwali these days. It is said that CK Raut, who wore the paper crown of ruling the provincial government after shedding the mask of Swaraj, will also join the national celebration. Even the dissenting MPs of the ruling Nepali Congress could not muster the courage to reject the constitution issued by the legislative parliament in 2015 in a majoritarian manner by adopting a fast-track process. As the resistance of Madhesh-dependent political parties is weakening, the issue of constitutional amendment is also getting more difficult day by day. In federal structures, the constitution is being implemented as expected. Local, provincial and federal elections are also held regularly. Those who can do hotshots have eaten it all around. For those who do not have such capacity, air or land routes to Lahore and Kalapahad are still open. Listening to the expressions of politicians, bureaucrats and rich people, there is unrest in the country.

The federal parliament is reluctant to hand over the important rights mentioned in the constitution to the provinces by making laws, so the practice of federalism is not gaining momentum. Provincial structures have become like political fiefdoms for the half-dozen politicians who have managed to maintain a grip on the Union. However, the voters who form the federal parliament also form the provincial parliament. Centralization has not been eradicated from any government agency. Judicial supremacy is invoked as proof of the implementation of a written constitution. Even in the 1990s, Nepal's name has already been recorded in the list of countries that stretch and use the belief that no matter how powerful a person is, the basic law is above it. The decision of the Supreme Court is leading the politics after the failure of the politicians to resolve the disputes like which process will make the chief executive and who will be sworn in on what basis. The political character of constitutional practice is manifested through periodic and regular elections. As in three decades of Panchayats, Nepal's structural system has been proven to hold elections.

The group of people's representatives who are working in the three levels of legislature and executive who have been elected twice have benefited the most from the 2015 constitution. From contracting and co-operatives to activities like human trafficking, some of them are mentioned. The politicians who jumped the most in 2015 are still hot. When the then president Ramvaran Yadav promulgated the constitution passed by the legislative parliament, those who mourned by switching off the lights have been abolished. Perhaps that is why those innocent people who were fighting for the respectable republican participation of the Madhesi through basic federalism in the state power, who were brutally murdered by the state apparatus, are not seen so often.

Republican Nepal has not stopped paying homage to Jung Bahadur Kunwar, but mocks those who lost their lives for the public good even when they are honored as martyrs. If the equitable participation of all in the state power is not ensured, the explosion of rebellion that can happen at any time in the land where the blood of the innocents has been shed will shake the entire society time and again. That is why, perhaps, the memory of the martyrs of the Madhesh uprising will continue to inspire those who lost courage in the autumn of 2015 to keep the light of hope alive until the 'Jan Basant' like 2008. The policy of 'neither support nor oppose' as defined by BP Koirala may also continue to question the legitimacy of power. Unfortunately, due to the poverty of thought born of prolonged slavery, the ruled communities of Nepal have not yet found such courageous politicians.

Disturbed elites

All the resources and energy of ordinary people in most of the world's subordinate communities can be used to deal with everyday problems. Unemployed, semi-unemployed and underemployed suffer from job anxiety.

Those who are burdened by declining income and high cost of living do not have time to worry about the country and the world. The middle class and those within the caste, bound by the hope of advancement and the attempt to prevent degradation, usually do not risk any change without a careful accounting of the possible benefits and harms. An unspoken but universally accepted consensus among the elites of all communities reinforces the status quo in the state and society. A line of people freed from class and caste known as the elite rose to a leadership role through a strange coincidence of fate, circumstances and effort. An elite's background is aristocratic, upper class and prosperous whether he is in power or a rebel - Bhagwati Prasad Singh and Ram Raja Prasad Singh chose different paths. Although not prosperous, the upper class elite of comfortable families use their education and cultural capital to become the ruling class. The inherent insecurity in such people makes them amoral to the extent and fearing irrelevance, they want to live their lives connected to power at all costs. The upper class proletariat can be called the lascivious bourgeoisie in Marxist terminology. The emergence of leadership from the unvarnished proletariat is still an exception.

It takes about three generations for those who come from subordinate communities to develop broad worldview, cultural awareness, social thinking, political argumentation and economic confidence. It is not so much that the strategists of the dominant community try to thwart the possibility of the emergence of a critical mass of elites in the subordinate community through the concept of competence or 'Tarmara'. The contrast of pride and innocence seen in the leaders of the tribe called Ladaku—on the one hand the pride of having built the Gorkhali state and on the other the innocence of being abandoned by power—became the main reason for their continued subjugation. Newa: It is not that the community did not want to take the leadership of the tribal awakening, but because they are cultured, their controlled anger cannot arouse the common people. Subservience has been assimilated: Leaders are overwhelmed by the anger, anxiety, confusion, fear, depression, self-blame, sadness, despair, helplessness, rage, self-doubt, isolation, stress and fear of invisibility that are common in any marginalized community. If the tribal line cannot escape from the spell of self-preservation, the country will not hope for an alternative leadership now.

In the mid-1990s, Girijaprasad Koirala predicted the possibility of a capable woman leading Nepal in the near future. Perhaps his allusion was to the determined Shailaja Acharya. His succession changed to Sushil Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba. Khas-Arya tribal leader and Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli has also started raising the issue of women's leadership these days, but has not clarified his choice. Whether male or female, fundamental change does not seem possible as long as the leadership remains within the Khas-Arya. In the 'failed' uprisings like Maoist and Madhesh, there is a possibility of using tribal, Madhesi or Dalit leadership in the future, so the supremacists and their allies have tried to devalue their annuities. For all subordinate groups, 'Asoj 3' should remain an opportunity for self-reflection, self-criticism and refinement.