That's why Prachanda's 'brand' fell.

After Deputy General Secretary Janardan Sharma proposed to hand over the leadership to Prachanda in writing in the Standing Committee meeting, the domestic conflict of Maoists has come to the surface. The conflict has been settled for the time being by discussing Sharma's proposal in the Central Committee. Prachanda has tried to generalize the conflict with Sharma for the sake of the workers by saying that 'it is just like the smoke rises when you press your thumb to cook'. However, the two-line struggle of the parallel leaders Mohan Vaidya, Baburam Bhattarai etc. sidelined the Prachanda second generation leader who has become Nirvikalpa and Sarvesarva started to challenge. Being under siege both inside and outside the party circle, he is now involved in a planned counterattack. As a

, his sharp criticism of the Congress-UML coalition government is not just the pain and passion of being out of power. By criticizing the government, he has tried to put pressure on it and convey the message that he is voicing the opposition voice. This is the meaning of his constant raising of this issue in the forums inside and outside the parliament, alleging that the two big parties have come together because of the anti-corruption campaign launched by his government. Prachanda has shown a hot temper towards Oli, while Deuba has been kept in a 'soft corner'. On the one hand, Prachanda is seen in the strategy of building the image of a dynamic opposition leader by being tough towards the government, while on the other hand, he is soft towards Deuba and is also giving the message that the door of cooperation with the Congress is open.

He has also advanced two weapons to face the challenge within the party. First, by talking about communist unity and front blockade. Whenever he feels politically insecure, he talks about communist unity. Despite being in alliance with the Congress of the past, he

As soon as he felt that his 'stake' was weak, he moved the Samajwadi Morcha card. Now, when the leadership transfer was raised within the party, he appealed to the Samajwadi Front. President of United Samajwadi Party Madhav made a 'mantra' with Nepal. He was shown the 'lollipop' of the post of Prime Minister. He also proposed a party unity with Biplav. However, after the unified socialists and revolutionist Maoists replied that they would not regret it by unifying in haste, the matter of increasing the unification process has now been avoided. However, Prachanda will continue to carry this issue to keep himself intact as a leader.

Secondly, after the fall from power, his eyes are now on the workers' line. His targeted speeches are inspired by the ideology of mobilizing workers. In a recent event, he not only expressed his commitment to move forward with integrity, but tried to instill in the cadres the ambition to become the first big party like in 2064. Instructing the workers to use social media to prepare a list of voters who voted for the Maoists, new voters, Jan Mukti Sena, etc. in the first Constituent Assembly election of 2064, he said, "It felt dusty, dusty and muddy in the middle. Resolving not to repeat the mistake, we should contact everyone, appeal and once again ask for help in the elections. We will become a big party like in 2064.

How effective will these efforts/strategies of Prachanda be after stepping down from power? Will there be a political revival of the Maoists who are on the verge of dissolution? What is the possibility of Prachanda's own political revival? Isn't this just his ploy to satisfy his dissatisfaction with his leadership? Prachanda's expression naturally raises these questions. This analysis will be done based on these questions.

CPN-Maoist Center is a party built on the political foundations of decades of violence. 17 thousand people climbed the altar and became the foundation of this party. And, on the foundation of that bloody history, Prachanda emerged as a myth in Nepali politics. The 'prachanda moh' of a section of the Nepali society was many times higher than the current popular leaders. Together, he became the "Messiah" of the lower class. However, when he plunged from the underground life into the open political milieu into the quagmire of power politics, the veils of attraction and illusion towards him began to tear. Today, he is portrayed as a power-hungry leader. The grand 'dream' of making Maoist the biggest party again should be interpreted in the light of this background.

Undoubtedly, Prachanda is the 'brand' of the Maoist party. Leader of rebellion and peace process, national and international image, strategist with experience of power politics, etc., he has become a 'brand'. Therefore, the political upliftment of this party depends on Prachanda's 'brand value'. However, Prachanda's 'brand' in Nepali politics has fallen so much that the possibility of it returning to its original value is very low.

Prachanda, who had the rare opportunity to be in leadership during both periods of insurgency and peaceful politics, cannot be ignored in the role he played in the creation of the constitution through the peace process. In recent times, many issues of Nepali politics are due to Maoists. However, the only partner in this political transformation is not the Maoists as Prachanda claims. This political transformation is possible with the support and participation of the common people, hoping that the cooperation between the parliamentary political parties and the Maoists will lead to a peaceful political restoration in the country. The Maoist 'factor' has a strong role in this.

But, the other truth is that he has an equal 'stake' in the despair, misrule, political dishonesty and deviation prevalent in the country. Prachanda is at the forefront of that 'stake' as well. In the game of power politics for the last two years, Prachanda has become synonymous with instability. Prachanda contested the election in alliance with the Congress. After the election, Congress became the first party, Maoist became the third party.

Even though he came third in the election, Prachanda already had a prediction that he could become the "Kingmaker" himself if the alliance is formed. However, he also made an agreement with Deuba to become the Prime Minister. However, after becoming the largest party, Deuba backtracked on his promise and wanted to become the prime minister himself in the first phase. Deuba's treachery led Prachanda to Oli's refuge. Oli, who followed the strategy of breaking the Congress-Maoist alliance, gave shelter to Prachanda. As a result, he became the Prime Minister for the third time on December 10, 2079.

However, the collaboration with Oli lasted only two months. Prachanda returned to Laganganth with the Congress after showing disagreement on the issue of the presidential election. This time, according to the strategy of not allowing the communists to mix, Deuba was ready to accept Prachanda as the prime minister in the first stage. There was also a gentleman's agreement to become prime minister for two years. However, Prachanda's heart did not stay with Deuba again. He returned to Oli's arms in February 2080 under the guise of communist cooperation and unity. There was only one difference between the tremendous decision to change the shoulders of power time and time again, the two big parties would play for five years to ascend to power.

Prachanda, who had declared that he would continue to be in turmoil until he lived, was last time promoting that he would return to the Congress. Two big parties came together and he lost his throne. Gaddi only lost his seat, the original representative of unstable politics was reduced to character. Prachanda, who was seen as a factor of opportunism and instability, missed a dynamic opportunity for his and the party's political upliftment.

He himself said that he got the last opportunity to show by doing something. However, when he fell in love with power and power, that opportunity was missed, his politics has reached "saturation". It seems that he has no other dreams except the desire for power. He is plagued by a dual character of taking decisions based on immediate advantages and disadvantages, saying anything for the consumption of activists and audiences. Addressing the workers of Nuwakot in a program recently, he praised them highly. Discussed his contribution,

Post Bahadur tried to gather sympathy by remembering Bogti. He uses this style even when he reaches Rolpa and also when he reaches Gorkha. On what basis will the cadres who understand Prachanda's tendency and working style believe that there will be political upliftment of the party under his leadership?

Another thing, Prachanda's class has changed. He has been transformed into an aristocracy. His granddaughter's 'noble wedding ceremony' at the Gokarna resort has not been forgotten by the cadres even if others have forgotten it. From the background and class from which he rose politically, he has come a long way from the issues with the grassroots. In the Maoist's own words, Prachanda has been bourgeoisified. However, Prachanda now questions the Congress-UML alliance in every speech, "Will the government built on the facilitation of middlemen and controversial businessmen give good governance gossip?" The fact that the facilitators of his rise to power are also middlemen is not hidden anywhere.

Communists in particular claim that parties are weakening because of crony capitalism. In reality, the real supporters of crony capitalism are the big communist leaders. Prachanda is one of them. In essence, Prachanda has no chance of political reorganization and revival of the Maoists. Nor the energy. Prachanda, who has been in the leadership of the party for four decades, has repeatedly failed in government, has forgotten his class background and become an elite, has become relaxed due to political distractions, has become accustomed to indulging in position and power, has been gossiping about revolution, rebellion and prosperity, but is immersed in the fascination of familyism, there is no room for hope. To break the story, Maoists do not expect to survive without Prachanda, no matter how weak the party's condition is. Here we are reminded of an old but famous remark of Maoist leader Ram Karki. A few years ago, he gave a brutal review of his politically extreme party and said, "Maoists now have only Prachanda left in the name of wealth." Maoists now have nothing left, neither politics, nor army, nor organization nor direction. Whatever is there is only Prachanda. If that property is not saved, there will be nothing left.

How much Prachanda has been spared from saving, the Maoists who are demanding the transfer of leadership and looking for an alternative to the leadership should go. However, it is a reality that Prachanda, the rebel leader who emerged from myth, has changed in stature and appearance. How much will the Maoist's political shirt change with the changed Prachanda figure? There is no reason to be confident.