Minister of Foreign Affairs and Neighborhood Relations

Since the visit was sudden and fresh, it is being commented on from different perspectives. This time, it is being analyzed from the angle that India gave special importance to the hospitality of the head of government. Arkathari attributed this to the stability of the new government. There is a few thematic analysis on the fact that the issues that need to be resolved and moved forward between the two countries did not find a place in the meeting. It will become clear later that the bilateral relations that Minister Rana thought would take a new height. But this article discusses the neighborhood relations of the last foreign minister and his time.

Seven ministers in seven years

There have been seven foreign ministers after the first elected government after the new constitution. This number reaches 10 when the prime minister takes charge of this ministry for a short period of time. In terms of tenure, Raghuveer Mahaseth's 18 days to Vimala Rai Poudyal's 42 days and Narayan Khadka's 15 months, Pradeep Gyawali's 40 months are seen in the longest.

Gyawali, who had the role of foreign minister for the longest period after the implementation of the constitution, made official visits to China, Russia, Japan, and Bangladesh. Only in the second half of his tenure, he had the opportunity to visit India for the sixth meeting of the Nepal-India High Commission and meet and discuss with the foreign minister there. Khadka, who became the foreign minister after Gyawali, got an opportunity to visit China. He met the Indian counterpart for the first time in New York and for the second time on the sidelines of the BIMSTEC conference in Sri Lanka on the eve of the then Prime Minister Deuba's visit to India.

During his 42-day tenure, Paudyal did not even meet with any of his counterparts from both neighborhoods. Apart from the meeting with the President during her visit to Sri Lanka, she also met the Indian Foreign Secretary Kwatra during her visit to Nepal. His term ended in a meeting and discussion with the ambassadors of China and India in Kathmandu. During his tenure of about 11 months after him, NP Saud got the opportunity to organize the sixth meeting of the Nepal-India High Commission and to visit China with Prime Minister Dahal and to visit Delhi as part of the Raisina 'Dialogue'. After that, for four months and a few days, the responsibility of foreign affairs went to Narayankaji Shrestha. Although he made an official visit to the northern neighborhood of China, he did not get to meet and discuss with the Indian foreign minister.

Regarding the responsibility of the foreign minister, questions of formal and informal qualifications are also raised in Nepal. After the people's movement, one of the foreign minister's qualifications is to intervene in the English language. Diplomacy is understood as wearing formal attire, smiling, speaking less and softly. Evidence-based, thematic intensity, logical presentation are other qualifications even if you don't know English. It is not accepted that an interpreter can be used. As a result, there are examples of ministers sometimes getting in trouble when trying to speak English unknowingly in front of foreigners.

Among the latter, Gyawali, who speaks English despite having little formal education, is relatively clear in foreign affairs, and is considered to be soft-spoken with a soft style, worked for the longest time. During his tenure, the border disputes with both neighborhoods were scattered. It is also said that Nepal's relations with both neighborhoods have become more complicated when the state tries to look aggressively without adequate internal discussion and study. The situation has also shown that. When the Chukche map was established unanimously in Nepal, it was the task of the foreign affairs and the government of Nepal to give it international recognition.

On the one hand, it was seen in the government at that time to make the fact that the Parliament unanimously agreed on the schedule of the country's constitution as a comment of its party/leadership's sole success, on the other hand, it did not reach out to other countries, including the United Nations, and did not dare to raise the matter even in the meetings with the relevant neighbours. It will be difficult to raise the issue in future bilateral discussions, so why was this issue made an integral part of the constitution? At least the issue of the border dispute, which was recognized and mentioned in the joint statement of the Nepal-India High Commission and the high-level visit of the two countries, took a complete break after that. Currently that topic is limited to the agenda of internal political consumption.

Regarding the Chuchche map, Nepal-India has been in abeyance for a long time and the agreement reached about 98 percent of the border agreement after study and discussion has been put on hold. Gyawali could not table this issue in the sixth meeting of the joint commission, the highest mechanism between the two countries at the level of foreign ministers, and the matter was not raised in the seventh meeting held in January this year. It is said that there was no preparation for such a political agenda in this sudden visit of Rana. The 'new height' of Nepal-India relations and Oli government's fire test seems to be complicated in the border issue.

It may be a coincidence that a dispute of the same nature with the northern neighbor surfaced during Gyawali's tenure. Regarding the dispute in Humla, without waiting for the report of the study team sent by the government itself, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement saying that the boundary violation in Humla was wrong under the court. It is natural for disputes/counterclaims and claims/counterclaims to occur between any neighbor at some point in time regarding the boundary.

That is why the diplomatic channel of the two countries should always be active and in contact with each other. Even the fact that sub-level structures are being built for that was ignored. The foreign leadership tried to look at the two issues that looked almost the same in the two neighborhoods with different eyes. As a result, border disputes with both neighborhoods became more complicated. It seems that Nepal will continue to be haunted by these two issues of the border question at that time, except in the case of the magic of some divine power.

Khadka became foreign minister for a long time after Gyawali. In this case, he wrote, spoke and even made a place in international journals. He left his studies and made politics his profession. He also could not practice or use very well the theoretical knowledge of foreign relations that he had acquired in the past. Because of him, there was no long-term negative impact on neighborhood relations and national interests.

Another foreign minister, NP Saud, has a university degree and a history of youth leadership. However, his selection in foreign matters outside of interest was not a mature decision of the Congress party. Posts or responsibilities should be given based on who has been working on what subject in their life. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is an office that needs to be run with other prudence as the counterpart is foreign and the world.

The fact that is not hidden from everyone is that Nepali nationalism is a powerful movement, which is unique in its own thinking and nature. This Tapka, who calls himself progressive, but has classical left and right-wing mixed thinking, does not see thematic relevance and seriousness in the relationship with the neighborhood. Nor its far-reaching effects and consequences. On the one hand, the same group that criticizes President Zelesky of Ukraine for taking a harsh and childish decision without understanding the geopolitical situation, while ignoring their own geographical situation, the same group is going to make 'ideologically biased' comments about their neighbors. In the case of Nepal, the path of negotiation and agreement towards national consensus towards India has been ended, while no agreement was sought on the then solution of that issue with China. Instead, the main opposition from the government has been defamed by showing that it is responsible for raising the border dispute in the north.

Based on the 'clean chit' of foreign affairs, the Chinese national media accused another neighboring country that Nepal's opposition party was 'controlled by other forces'. Interestingly, the then government sat contentedly in the sense that the term 'Kuchching' could be dropped internally in such an accusation. As a result, in recent times, according to the party background, the foreign minister is considered to be 'partial' to one of the neighbors and it seems that it is becoming another sad coincidence.

Narayankaji Shrestha got a chance to discuss with the Chinese counterpart but not with the Indian. Although Saud went to China with Prime Minister Dahal, he did not get a chance to meet the bilateral counterparts. Learning from this means that the foreign affairs leadership of a country like Nepal does not follow the commentary, but rather changes the old commentary that is unfavorable to the national interest and prepares layers, facts and figures in a favorable new construction. When the government/leadership tried to be reactive, the foreign minister, who had a deep understanding of the matters under the Ministry of Diplomacy and Foreign Affairs, could have suggested a slightly different way or the best option to his own government/leadership. So that on the one hand the door of the diplomatic channel would not be closed and on the other hand there would be a situation where rumors would be made in the country but the interests of others would not be sustainable.

Women in foreign countries

Women-friendly structures are being talked about, but in recent days, feminist diplomacy has also started to be discussed in Nepal. Since the mentality of not trusting women in the diplomatic field, which is traditionally known as the monopoly of men and women, is still a challenge, it is a challenge for women to confirm their ability through work. There is a psychology of Nepali politicians who believe that geopolitics is more decisive than mandate in the acquisition and termination of power, power, and government. Even though it is a practice for the government leadership to give this ministry only to their close and close friends, it is considered a special qualification to be trusted by the party leadership rather than the ability, expertise or interest of the minister.

In this year and a half, Nepal got two women foreign ministers with academic degrees. As both of them are known in their professions at home and abroad, even the 'Education and Language Fundamentalist' who question and measure knowledge on how many classes they have studied and can/can't speak English, did not find a place to criticize them. There was no question about the competence and efficiency of both. Some believe that both parties have brought these two into competition.

While the increasing participation of women in the state structure is itself welcome, subject studies and continuity rather than studies or degrees is another aspect that should not be forgotten. Training, socialization and preparation of leadership should be practiced even within the structure of the parties. This means that in some cases, even after obtaining a university certificate, the habit of working on other subjects leads to the situation of forgetting the old specialty, and sometimes, with constant dedication, even if there is no special degree, it is possible to make a good understanding.

Both of these educated women have excelled in their respective fields. Poudyal in agriculture-social development and Rana in social health. It would have been easier for Poudyal to handle the Ministry of Finance, which has direct links with development, but not so much for Foreign Affairs. However, as the wife of Congress president Deuba and as the first lady, Rana, who has had the opportunity to participate in dozens of bilateral and multilateral visits and meetings, has the opportunity and context to understand the various dimensions of Nepal's foreign relations.

Rana could have aroused interest in this subject as well and made her competent. It was not publicly seen that he had much reading and interest in this matter before suddenly being named as the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The prime minister's confidence and support in coordinating her experience, current opportunities and thematic practice, will determine the time period Rana will receive and the policy she will take.