Street protests, widespread debate on social media, and open dissatisfaction with the state have raised serious questions about the current political structure.
What you should know
Recent months have clearly shown signs that Nepal's contemporary politics is entering a phase of profound restructuring. Street protests, widespread debate on social media, and open dissatisfaction with the state have raised serious questions about the current political structure. It is against this backdrop that elections are soon to be held. The role of the youth generation is at the center of political debate.
The biggest challenge for political parties is to convince the youth. It is worth remembering that youth participation in past elections was relatively low. Many young voters stayed away from the electoral process due to the pessimistic view that ‘all parties are the same’. However, the awareness and activism shown by the current movement gives the impression that this perception is changing. Youth have now indicated that they will not remain silent, but will intervene in the decision-making process.
Voter structure and numerical strength of youth
Looking at the demographic structure, the influence of young voters cannot be denied. According to the Election Commission, the number of registered voters is around 18 million. Of these, it is estimated that voters in the age group of 18 to 40 years constitute about 40 percent. Even if we look at the age group of 18-29 years alone, it is seen that it is almost one-third of the total voters. This makes it clear that power formation is not possible without the votes of the youth.
But more important than numbers is the changing political consciousness of the youth. The youth class, which was accused of political apathy in the past, is now at the forefront of questioning policies, leadership, and the system. This change is a sign that it will be the most decisive factor in the upcoming elections.
Foreign migration: Silent public opinion
Foreign employment cannot be ignored to understand the youth population of Nepal. The fact that the number of Nepalis seeking work permits is around 7-8 lakhs annually is a serious sign in itself. A large part of them are youth in the age group of 18-35. This is not only economic migration, but also a silent public opinion of political distrust. Although the slogan of 'creating opportunities in the country' was repeated during the elections, in practice the youth have not been guaranteed it. The lack of a system for millions of youth living abroad to vote is also a serious weakness of democratic representation. If their votes had been included, it could have had a major impact on the election results and political balance.
The root cause of Gen-G dissatisfaction
The dissatisfaction of the Gen-G generation seems to be more structural than emotional. Unemployment is the main reason for this. According to the data of the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security, the youth unemployment rate in Nepal is around 19-20 percent, which is much higher than the overall unemployment rate. Every year, about 5-6 lakh youth enter the labor market, but domestic employment creation is not even half of it.
Along with this, the imbalance between education and skills, increasing foreign migration, corruption, impunity, and a weak public service system have created deep disappointment among the youth towards the state. This disappointment has been reflected in the slogan of ‘system change, not politics’ in recent movements.
Crisis of youth’s trust
Another important aspect directly linked to the political consciousness of the youth is the state’s policy and budget priorities. Although the Nepal government has announced various programs in the name of education, employment, and entrepreneurship in recent years, their effectiveness is under question. In the budget for the fiscal year 2080/81, about 11 percent of the total budget has been allocated to the education sector and less than 5 percent to employment and labor-related programs.
However, concrete facts about how many youth have found permanent employment through these programs are not publicly available. Some reports of the National Planning Commission have admitted that youth-oriented programs, although ‘project-oriented’, have not become ‘result-oriented’. In other words, the budget seems to have been spent, but the visible change in the living standards of the youth is minimal. This shortcoming has developed the perception among the youth that ‘policies exist only on paper’, which has also weakened their trust in elections.
The impact of the digital generation
Another important aspect of the potential election is digital politics. Internet access in Nepal has reached more than 70 percent, and the majority of social media users are young people. TikTok, Facebook, YouTube and X (Twitter) are no longer just entertainment channels, but have become the main platforms for political discussion.
This has changed the nature of traditional election campaigns. Instead of large rallies, posters and slogans, short videos, fact-checking, past records and public debates are becoming effective. Gen-G voters are easily evaluating the history, behavior and credibility of candidates through digital means. This has increased transparency in electoral politics, but has also added challenges for parties.
The gap between youth movements and institutional politics
The recent youth-centered movements, spontaneous demonstrations and debates on social media have created a new political energy. But this energy has not been able to be transformed into institutional politics. The gap between the movement and party politics is still large.
The main reason for this is the lack of internal democracy within political parties. As young leaders have not been able to reach the decision-making level within the party, capable youth have been pushed out of politics. This has strengthened the idea among the youth that ‘change is not possible by entering the party’. This is why there seems to be an increased attraction towards independent candidates or alternative political platforms.
Challenges and opportunities for political parties
The biggest test for political parties in the upcoming elections is convincing the youth. Merely including employment, good governance, digital economy and education reform in the manifesto is not enough. Youth are now asking the question ‘how and when’ rather than ‘what to do’. The attraction towards independent and alternative candidates seen in the recent elections is also a result of this dissatisfaction. If traditional parties do not introspect, there is a strong possibility that the youth vote will shift towards alternative forces in the upcoming elections. This could bring about a change not only in the structure of parliament but also in the political culture.
There are signs that this election may be different from the previous ones. Young voters seem to be willing to vote based on policies, character and performance rather than caste, region or party identity. This can be understood as the initial stage of ‘issue-centered voting’. If this trend becomes institutionalized, it will make a significant contribution to improving the quality of democracy in Nepal. It will force political parties to come up with concrete policies and action plans rather than emotional slogans. Youth will be at the center of this change.
Quality of democracy and the role of youth
Youth activism is a positive sign for democracy. But its long-term impact depends on the state’s response. If tolerance for peaceful protests, a culture of dialogue and an accountable governance system are not developed, youth anger may become more institutionalized. The need of the day is to make elections not just a process of transferring power but an expression of people’s aspirations.
In conclusion, the upcoming elections are not just another election for Nepal, but a decisive turning point in a generational political transition. The questions raised, the options presented, and the activism shown by Gen-G will determine the future political direction. Elections can become a means of strengthening democracy only if youth are accepted not just as voters, but as policy partners. Otherwise, the risk of a cycle of discontent continuing even after the elections cannot be avoided.
