Misogynistic politics: Why always the question mark?

As men and women grow up, society molds them into the patriarchal mold. Men are viewed in terms of ability, work, and earnings, while women are viewed in terms of beauty. The fact that men are addressed as 'sir' and women as 'chelli' in public meetings is a reflection of this trend.

Mangshir 24, 2082

Juli Pokhrel

Misogynistic politics: Why always the question mark?

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As new political parties emerge in the country, old parties are competing for 'reform' and leadership changes. Although it was a roundabout way, the country has got its first female Prime Minister.

From the first female MP Dwarika Devi Thakuri in 2015 to the youngest female MP Nisha Dangi in 2079, 661 women have been elected as MPs, but only Sushila Karki has had the privilege of becoming the Prime Minister for the first time.

As the election approaches, comments, insults, and online attacks on political parties, candidates, and especially women are increasing. Be it on Rima Bishwakarma when she announced the 'Uzyalo Nepal Party' or the comments made on Eliza Gautam on social media or the many previous comments and trolls on her attire and dress - all these are new forms of political misogyny.

Rima and Eliza, who have recently emerged in the political arena, have been highly criticized and controversial. Is their background and way of thinking sustainable or visionary? That will be shown by their continued participation and performance, but insulting and discriminating at the beginning is never a good thing for a country that follows a democratic system. 

When you turn the page of Nepali political history, you see that female students including Sahana Pradhan protested against the king by showing black flags. Today's Gen-G movement includes Raksha Bam, Tanuja Pandey. Women were not comfortable in politics then, and they are not comfortable now. There is a huge difference between the criticism and slander made against men who call for a movement but do not take to the streets and women who stay on the streets and fight.

Be it a movement for democracy or a 'people's war' for rights, women's participation seems meaningful in the beginning, but the journey to leadership is like zero! Be it in the war of Nalapani or the water-samadhi rebellion led by Yogmaya Neupane or the Biratnagar Jute Mill movement - women have always stood at the forefront, providing strong leadership. While women's leadership is only being discussed in many countries of the world, in Nepal women were in the political arena.

Be it the people's movement of 2047, the Maoist war or the movement of 2062/63 - there is a history of Nepali women receiving martyrdom. But ironically! While the names of BP Koirala, Madan Bhandari and Pushpa Kamal Dahal are mentioned in Nepali political history, the discussion of the contribution of brave women leaders in history is limited to women's seminars and conferences.

In the by-election held after the death of the then Tourism Minister Rabindra Adhikari in a helicopter crash, his wife Vidya Bhattarai became a candidate. She was an active leader in student politics, but during the by-election, she was criticized as a 'sympathy vote'.

As men and women grow up, society molds them into the patriarchal mold. Men are seen in terms of ability, work and earnings, while women are seen in terms of beauty. Addressing men as 'Honorable Sir' and women as 'Student' in assemblies is a reflection of this trend.

I see men as 'leaders', but no matter how capable they are, I do not see women as 'leaders', I see them as 'women leaders'. Women are not leaders, they are singled out as 'leaders'. Girls are taught to suppress, tolerate, and keep quiet, which is why they cannot speak out against violence against them. Enduring violence is made a woman's duty, society teaches women that they should 'tolerate' but does not teach men that they should 'not commit violence'.

If we look at the records of the Legislative Assembly, women, who constitute 51.5 percent of the total population, have not yet been able to represent more than 33 percent in the parliament. To participate in political programs, women are forced to manage their children and household, and unmarried women are forced to convince their parents. This makes it clear that we have arranged for 33 percent reservation for women, but we have not been able to provide a family and social environment that will foster their leadership potential.

There is 33 percent reservation for women, but there is no 100 percent environment, as a result, women rise in politics for a while and soon disappear. If holding political gatherings or debates at 8 pm makes women uncomfortable, why not hold them in the morning? Which political party office still has a breastfeeding room or baby care room? When will our 'liberal' political parties show interest in such a common issue? To make anyone's participation meaningful, their participation should be made easy.

The participation of women in student politics is decreasing because in the Nepali context, there is a practice of referring to people as 'women' or 'men' before their opinions. Instead of broad and unique ideas, appreciation, respect and acceptance of different ideas, placing them in two categories based on gender is becoming an unequal trend. 

We are standing on the threshold of the Falgun 21 election. We are celebrating Human Rights Day by grandly celebrating the 16-day campaign against gender violence. However, gender violence is still only associated with domestic violence. The agenda of this year's 16-day campaign is 'Against Digital Violence'. Digital violence is not only associated with personal comments, but also with political comments. Now women should be able to make demands, not demands. The time has come - to say that women's leadership is needed.

Juli

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