Friday, July 4.

The conference hall of the Swiss International Hotel in Manama, the capital of Bahrain, was filled with the enthusiasm of Nepalis. Hundreds of migrant workers sweating in the Gulf were waiting for one name, Kulman Ghising. When he was brought into the hall with a bang, many people's eyes watered after a long time, remembering the light of their own country.

They had gathered to honor the person who brought the country out of the darkness of the never-to-be-forgotten load shedding. The program was organized spontaneously, not at the call of any party or formal organization. It was not just a civic felicitation program, from there Ghising had also signaled his political journey by announcing the 'Bright Nepal Campaign'.

Former president of the Non-Resident Nepali Association, Laxmi Giri, who has been in Bahrain for 24 years, was also present at the felicitation ceremony. 'Here we live in light 24 hours a day.' We cannot imagine life without electricity for a moment,' she said, 'Our parents had to go through the painful situation of always living in the house. At that time, we were not able to talk to our family regularly.' She recalled tears flowing from her eyes the day Nepal became free from load shedding.

Ghising first announced the 'Bright Nepal Campaign' from Bahrain. He hinted that he would be active in politics.

He had said, 'I have started the Bright Nepal Campaign from Bahrain. This campaign will also reach other countries. Your suggestions on how the journey ahead will be are the source of my journey. How you say to move forward, in the same way my steps will grow .'

Then he reached the UAE, Oman and Qatar. About 60 percent of Nepalis who have gone abroad for employment are working in the Gulf region. Wherever he went, support was pouring in from all sides. He also saw the migrant workers as the source of his confidence to take the Bright Nepal campaign forward. ‘You are my greatest source of strength. I have found that the respect and appreciation I am receiving from home and abroad speaks in my favor,’ he had said, ‘This campaign is to make the country prosperous. It is a campaign to change the country from its current situation. It can produce good leadership.’

He reached America with the campaign. The only reason behind reaching here was the government’s removal from the post of executive director of the NEA. That incident made him feel that he should now enter politics.

Last Chaitra, the government had removed him and appointed Hitendradev Shakya with only four and a half months remaining in his term.

Ghising felt that he was disgracefully removed at the last moment while his term was remaining. The then Energy Minister Deepak Khadka had given him a zero mark for his performance. Ghising approached the Supreme Court. But the Supreme Court did not give an order in his favor. After that, Ghising, who was free, decided to travel the country and abroad. With the determination to use the knowledge, experience and skills he had acquired for the country, he started expanding the 'Bright Nepal Campaign'.

Seeing his career, most people had already speculated that he would enter politics. But in an interview with Kantipur, he said that even though he had started the campaign, he had not decided to immediately open a political party or join any party.

If young leaders can go forward with a blueprint, leadership can be born from within: Kulman Ghising [Interview]

He himself had claimed that many people were going to enter politics, but he had not made any preparations. However, unofficially, preparations for the 2084 elections were evident.

A new situation was created in the country after the Gen-G movement. The movement overthrew KP Sharma Oli. Sushila Karki, former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, came to take over the country's executive position.

President Ram Chandra Poudel appointed Karki as Prime Minister on Bhadra 27 with the mandate to hold the House of Representatives elections on 21 Falgun. Ghising also joined the electoral government on Bhadra 30. Prime Minister Karki trusted Ghising and gave him the responsibility of three ministries. He was given the responsibility of the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Urban Development, along with Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, where he was an expert. Ghising had become an important minister in the citizen government, as per the choice and desire of Gen-G. Ghising herself has also admitted this, while Prime Minister Karki had informed that under pressure from the Gen-G in the National Assembly meeting on Magh 19, Mahavir Pun, Kulman Ghising, Bablu Gupta, Jagdish Kharel and others were made ministers, but they left out, wanting to be active in politics.

‘I had made him a minister even though I knew that he would go into politics by folding my hands and saying that he would stay in the government for as long as he could,’ she had said. ‘I brought him in so that he would resign the day he wanted to go into politics. I had promised to let him go into politics to form the government.’

Ghising, who was given the responsibility of three ministries, spent 115 days in the civilian government. In this short period, he remained very active, just as he was busy when he was the executive director of the NEA. He was assigned to inspect roads and hydroelectric projects.

While working as a minister in the government that held the election, the question of what his political journey would be like was being discussed with interest not only within himself, but also outside. Rumors of Ghising registering a party and resigning from the ministry continued to circulate. When he was offered the position of minister, he had made it a condition that he would resign before the election as he wanted to be active in party politics. Prime Minister Karki accepted his condition and made him a minister.

At the last moment, the Rashtriya Swatantra Party submitted a closed list to the Election Commission, including the names of UNEP Chairman Anup Kumar Upadhyay and others. This increased the dispute and distance between the Rashtriya Swatantra Party and UNEP.

Amidst the rumors and discussions, he took a slightly different strategy. On 5 Mangsir, the Ujjaya Nepal Party (UNEP) received a party registration certificate from the Election Commission, but Ghising did not appear in front. Even before that, his informal discussions were taking place with the leaders of the National Independent Party. Discussions were underway to nominate him as the Prime Ministerial candidate along with the Senior Vice President. But after getting indications that this would not materialize, Ghising registered the party with his friend Anup Kumar Upadhyay. The election symbol of Ujjaya Nepal was lit. The party's central committee was made 51 members, and the party's announcement meeting was held at Pragya Pratishthan on 17 Mangsir.

Although Ghising did not hold any position in the party, it was his party. After that, along with informally inspecting roads and projects, he started addressing Ujjaya Nepal meetings in various parts of the country. It was natural to be criticized when ministers in the non-party government started being active in party activities.

Discussions on unity with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) resumed. With the entry of Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah into the RSS, talks with Ghising also progressed.

On 14 Poush, the RSS and Ujjaya Nepal Party reached a seven-point agreement. As per the agreement, Ghising was made the vice-president of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The agreement was signed between UNEP Chairman Anup Kumar Upadhyay and RSS President Ravi Lamichhane, in which Kathmandu Mayor Shah was also a witness. It was agreed that the RSS would submit the closed list for the proportional representation on behalf of the RSS.

Immediately after signing the agreement, a dispute began within the RSS. Some leaders started commenting that they would not accept the agreement and that the RSS would not participate in the elections. On the 14th, at the last moment, the RSS submitted the closed list to the Election Commission, including the names of UNEP Chairman Anup Kumar Upadhyay and others. This increased the dispute and distance between the RSS and the RSS.

Allegations that the RSS bypassed the unity agreement and engaged in politics of deceit and fraud were heated within the RSS. In addition, UNEP leaders pressured Ghising, saying that there would be no unity until the RSVP's clear line on federalism and republicanism came out.

Ghising was dissatisfied after only 14 names were included in the closed list of 110 proportional candidates submitted by the RSVP to the commission.

At the beginning of the unity process, it was proposed to write these political issues in the 'agreement' (agreement letter), but the RSVP side dismissed it saying 'we will consult later'. Point 4 of the agreement mentioned that Lamichhane would be accepted as the president and Kulman Ghising, DP Aryal, and Swarnim Wagle would be the vice-presidents. However, the agreement letter did not mention anything about how to manage other leaders in the central committee and in what proportion they would be adjusted. There was no . 

‘We had said respectful unity . We did not seek merger with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh to surrender . When submitting the closed list of proportional candidates, we had sent the names of 18 people, but only 14 names were included and other positions were ignored,’ a leader of the Unepa said, ‘We were in favor of not walking together from the beginning . Whatever happened is good .’ 

Unity with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh not only brought controversy within the party, but also raised questions within the government about Ghising.  After the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh government was criticized, Prime Minister Karki, in the third week of Poush, named three ministers in the cabinet meeting and urged them to be active in politics and one of the ministers . Karki had questioned Ghising along with Jagdish Kharel and Bablu Gupta .  On 23 Poush, Ghising resigned from the post of minister

. After that, he moved forward with the determination to be fully active in politics. The unity with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) on 14 Poush was dissolved on 26 Poush 12 days later. Immediately after that, an emergency central committee meeting of UNEP was held and Kulman was made the party president. Then Ghising put himself forward as a candidate from Kathmandu constituency number 3.

Talking to journalists at Chandragadhi Airport in Jhapa, Ghising said that it has been three months since the party was registered and the structure of the organization is also in the process of being formed. ‘We are not only looking at the current elections. We are also looking at the upcoming elections,’ he had said, ‘We are trying to establish the Bright Nepal Party as a strong alternative. The country’s prosperity, We have come for a corruption-free society, a society without discrimination, job creation and a self-reliant economy. We believe in work and results. We do not believe in speeches.’ Accusations of vendetta against Shakya Immediately after becoming the Energy Minister, Ghising removed Hitendradev Shakya, who had replaced him as the Executive Director of the NEA, and replaced him with his close friend Manoj Silwal. The dispute reached the Supreme Court. On 22 Mangs, the Supreme Court ordered the reinstatement of Shakya, calling the decision to remove Shakya as vindictive and arbitrary.

Ghising suffered another setback when the decision to transfer Shakya to the Water and Energy Commission was overturned.

Ghising became the Minister of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation on 30 Bhadra in the government formed after the Gen-G movement. Immediately after, on 5 Asho 2082, he transferred the executive director of the NEA, Hitendradev Shakya, to the vacant Water and Energy Commission, and appointed Manoj Silwal as the executive director. Earlier, the government had transferred Shakya even when Ghising was appointed to the NEA for a second term. On 11 Chaitra 2081, the then KP Sharma Oli government had dismissed the executive director of the NEA, Kulman, from his post and appointed Shakya. Ghising approached the Supreme Court against this, but did not get an interim order.

Former Chief Justice and judges of the Supreme Court had commented that the Supreme Court had taken a vindictive and arbitrary decision on the government's work. Both Shakya and Ghising had previously gone to the Supreme Court in the appointment dispute. On 11 Kartik, the Supreme Court had ordered to decide all those cases and Shakya's new writ petition together.

It is alleged that Ghising was transferred as soon as he became a minister because he removed himself and appointed Shakya. He claims that Shakya was abroad when he was appointed a minister and was removed by mutual consent upon his return. ‘I was supposed to be a minister for only three months. Shakyaji, you don’t decide, what should I deliver? The place where the delivery is made is the same, now you are on your way. You just said to keep me in the same place. I was transferred to the commission by mutual consent,’ Ghising told Kantipur, ‘but later he went to court. He has done the same thing before.’ He argues that if a decision is not made while in office, there will be no work. This incident also motivated him to move forward in politics. From ANRFSU to Ujjaya Nepal Ghising did not come into politics that much, although he has been accused of becoming a minister in the interim government for the opportunity and entering politics for the same reason. Looking back, it seems that he entered politics while he was a student. After becoming an employee in the NEA, he seems to be inactive in politics.

He says that he is not far from politics. In the past, he was active in politics for some time when he was a campus student, but after joining the NEA, he says that he has been working with the leadership of all political parties and closely following politics.

He was in student politics when he was studying ISC at Amrit Science College in Thamel in 2044. He was close to the ANNFSU VI of the then Nepal Communist Party (Unity Center). In the SWU election, ANNFSU V and VI formed an alliance. In that election, Ghising won the post of member with popular votes. After ISC, he went to Jamshedpur, India, to pursue his graduation. He completed his graduation in electrical engineering. After returning to Nepal, he participated in three examinations of the Public Service Commission. Since he did not receive his graduation certificate, he joined the public service on the basis of a temporary college letter. He applied to the Ministry, the Aviation Department, and the Nepal Electricity Authority. But his choice was the Nepal Electricity Authority. The reason was simple - there is a lot of paperwork in other places, but in the Nepal Electricity Authority, he gets to do practical work.' In 2051, he finally entered the service of the Nepal Electricity Authority as a seventh-level engineer. The first challenging exam came at Swargadwari in Pyuthan. Because the then King Birendra's vehicle was fixed there, where there was no electricity. He was given the responsibility of supplying electricity to Swargadwari. He worked with dedication in the field amidst limited resources, difficult geography, and time pressure. He brought light to the gates of heaven on time. ‘My career began with the good deed of lighting electricity in the religious sector,’ he recalls.

He did his master’s degree in power system engineering from Pulchowk Engineering College while working.

His contemporary former secretary Anup Upadhyay recalls, ‘At that time, we were together in taking the civil service exam.’ Later, I came to the ministry. He stayed there.’ Although Ghising mentioned his name in the joint secretary’s letter, Upadhyay remembers that Dinesh Ghimire’s name came up in the interview. After that, Ghising joined the authority and Upadhyay joined the ministry as a civil servant.

Chilime: The turning point of his career

While working in the authority, Ghising got the responsibility of Chilime Hydropower Company Limited. When he was in the tenth grade. He proved that a power project can be made successful with Nepali investment. This became the turning point for his personal career.

He not only successfully completed the project on time and in a better time than expected, but also made the locals millionaires by giving them shares. He says that he worked very hard at Chilime, 'We have opened our eyes to how Nepal's resources can be used in Chilime. Chilime had given us the courage to build 1,000 megawatts from Nepalese people.'

He proved that a power project can be made successful with Nepali investment. This became the turning point for his personal career.

When brokers started snatching Chilime shares from the hands of the people, Ghising got back shares worth about Rs 70 million from a single village. Due to this incident, the people of Rasuwa have kept Kulman 'in the apple of their eye'.

When he assumed the responsibility of managing director of Chilime Hydropower Company, he played a special role in advancing Rasuwagadhi, Madhya Bhotekoshi, Sanjen, and Upper Sanjen. The local residents of the 22 MW Chilime project that was in operation were protesting demanding shares. The locals filed one case after another in the Supreme Court. They were adamant that the project would not be allowed to be built until they got shares. But there was no law to give them shares.

At that time, Ghising made an agreement to give 10 percent shares to the locals. This was a kind of 'gamble' he played. Even though there was no provision in the law, he continuously lobbied and finally got the Securities and Exchange Board of Nepal to implement a provision that the hydropower project should give 10 percent shares to those affected. He lobbied Nepal Rastra Bank for this arrangement and got the rules changed overnight. Which is still in place today. This made him popular among the people. He made an agreement to purchase shares, but people did not come to apply.

When he was given a month's time, no one came. He was worried about what to do now. 'Why didn't I pay for a hundred rupees share? I didn't have the money, so I started getting answers like how to invest,' he recalls. Then he started a public awareness campaign about shares. He trained teachers from 103 local schools. The company gave them a month's allowance and started training them on how to pay for shares. It was successful.

The period was extended by one month, but the villagers did not have the money. Then he also arranged for the money. After the extension of the time, he said that there was a queue of people paying for shares until 1 am. On his initiative, Mega, Bangladesh and Janata Bank opened branches at the local level and started giving loans.

After three years, the value of the shares reached 2810. The locals' loans were also repaid through 'dividends' and the villagers became rich. He claims that there was a gang of buyers who removed him from Chilime.

He was the Managing Director of Chilime Hydropower Company from 2067 Shrawan to 2071 Ashar, but the then Energy Minister Radha Gyawali removed him for not performing satisfactorily. The meeting of the Authority's Board of Directors decided to recall him from the position of Managing Director of Chilime Hydropower Company. He was made without responsibility in the Authority.

After coming to the center, he did not get any responsibility for about two years. Going to the office and returning home became a daily routine. The situation had reached such a point that he was in the mood to resign.

A year after being brought from Chilime, Ghising was promoted to the 11th level of the NEA, i.e. director, in Asoj 2071. After becoming director, he was in charge of the Rahughat Hydropower Project. There too, he broke the failed contract and started the project in a new format.

Manoj Silwal, the then executive director of the NEA, recalls that after being brought to the NEA, he was not even given a chair.

'He was very uncooperative from all the employees in the NEA. At that time, he had nowhere to go and live,' he said. Silwal remembers that even when the locals protested for a month after being removed from Chilime, the then management blamed Ghising for it.

In an interview with journalist Sharada Thapas on Yoho Television's 'Special Focus' on Bhadra 30, 2077, former Energy Minister Radha Gyawali claimed that Ghising was brought to the NEA due to complaints but was not kept on standby. 'He was the head of a project. There was a committee of 5 members.' At that time, a complaint was received,' she said, 'I was a minister at that time. The NEA had a separate management. Even though he was sent to a project, he did not go. He remained at the NEA. We did not keep him on standby.'

Gyawali said that a committee was formed under the coordination of the NEA's legal advisor, who is also a judge, to study the complaints. She said that even though action should have been taken based on the report, it was kept on standby.

A year after being brought from Chilime, Ghising was promoted to the 11th level of the NEA, i.e. director, in 2071 Asoj. After becoming director, he was in charge of the Rahughat Hydropower Project. There too, he broke the failed contract and started the project in a new format.

Till then, there was load shedding of up to 18 hours in the country. At that time, Janardan Sharma was the Minister of Energy (from Shrawan 2073 to Jestha 2074) and Pushpa Kamal Dahal was the Prime Minister. In 2073 Bhadra, the then Executive Director of the NEA, Mukesh Raj Kafle, resigned. He even went to court for justice, saying that he was pressured to resign. The government had formed a committee under the coordination of Dinesh Kumar Ghimire, the then Joint Secretary of the Ministry of Energy, to appoint him to the vacant Executive Director position.

The committee had sought proposals from the Ministry, the Secretariat of the Water and Energy Commission, the Department of Power Development, the NEA, and the Budhigandaki and Nalsinghgarh Hydropower Project Development Committees. Along with Ghising, proposals were made by Navinraj Singh, Madhu Prasad Bhetuwal from the department, and Chiranjeevi Chataut from the Ministry. In the proposal, Ghising was selected first, Bhetuwal second, and Singh third. Ghising was recommended because he scored the best marks among the three. Based on the same recommendation, the government decided to appoint Ghising, an employee (director) of the NEA at the 11th level, as the executive director.

Surendra Raj Bhandari, Sher Singh Bhat, Kanaya Manandhar, and Sunil Dhungel, who were working at the 12th level of the NEA, had gone to court alleging that the government had appointed an employee of the 11th level who did not have the capacity to be even a deputy executive director as the executive director. Among them, Bhandari, Bhat and Manandhar resigned and left the NEA, while Dhungel retired some time ago due to age limit.

The then Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has said that Ram Sharan Mahat informed him about Ghising's expertise and capabilities. 'Even Ram Sharan Mahat was impressed by the Chilime incident,' Dahal said in an interview with Rajendra Baniya, 'After he said that, Kulman was in my mind. At that time, Janardan Sharma was made the Minister of Energy and Kulman the Executive Director.'

When Ghising was the Executive Director, load shedding was rampant in the country. Load shedding used to occur for 16/18 hours a day. 'At that time, where and what were the problems? He knew how to solve those problems, the management had already understood,' says Silwal.

Ghising was appointed in 2073 Bhadau. Immediately after, the valley was declared load shedding free on Tihar.

Upadhyay says that the then Energy Minister Sharma should not be forgotten during that period. ‘We were both employees, where was the weakness? We knew who was doing the cheating. We knew how to solve it,’ he says, ‘but the employee mechanism was extremely strong. When we knew that a meter reader was cheating, we had to keep one. If that meter reader was transferred, we could get calls from five/six MPs to one/two ministers.’

Upadhyay remembers a big transfer in the authority at that time. ‘The transfer was wholesale. After that, the party/union woke up. But our backing was Janardan Sharma. That was a big relief,’ he says. त्यतिबेलाको प्राधिकरण सञ्चालक समितिले पनि प्रस्ताव गरिएका एजेन्डामा कसैले प्रश्न नगरेको उनले बताए । एउटै बैठकमा १७/१८ वटा निर्णयसमेत गरेको उनी सम्झिन्छन् ।

त्यतिबेला एक समय बिजुली बढी हुने अर्को समय नपुग्ने अवस्था थियो । अहिले पनि वर्षायामा बिजुली बढी भएर निर्यात हुन्छ भने सुक्खायाममा बिजुली अपुग भएकाले भारतबाट आयात गर्नुपर्ने अवस्था उस्तै छ । 

२०६७ सालमा ऊर्जामन्त्री गोकर्ण विष्ट हुँदा प्राधिकरणको ऐनमा भएको व्यवस्थालाई टेकेर मुख्य सचिव/सचिवलाई अध्यक्षको भूमिका दिइएको थियो । '१५/२० मेगावाटदेखि ४० मेगावाटसम्म चाहिँ खपत गर्ने उद्योगहरू थिए । त्यतिबेला तेह्रथुम, भोजपुरजस्ता जिल्लालाई नै पाँच मेगावाट बत्ती भने पुग्थ्यो,’ उनले भने, ’सुरुमा त उद्योगहलाई पिक समयमा बिजुली नदिई घरपरिवारमा दिइएको हो ।’

प्राधिकरणले त्यसपछि पूर्वाधार निर्माण र उत्पादनहरू निर्माणमा जोड दिन थालेको थियो । 

०७३ भदौमा नियुक्त भएका घिसिङले कात्तिकको तिहारमा काठमाडौं उपत्यका र २०७५ वैशाखमा देशलाई नै लोडसेडिङ मुक्त घोषणा गरे । आफू कार्यकारी निर्देशक नियुक्त हुँदा मुलुकमा १२/१५ प्रतिशत मात्रै विद्युतीकरण भएको पुग्दै कार्यकाल सकिँदा देशभर ५८ प्रतिशत घरधुरीमा मात्र पुगेको बिजुली पुग्यो । उनकै कार्यकालमा भारतबाट खुला र प्रतिस्पर्धी दरमा बिजुली आयात र निर्यात समेत सुरु भएको थियो । 

भदौ २०७७  मा उनले आफ्नो पहिलो कार्यकाल सकाए । त्यसपछि कार्यकारी निर्देशक भएर हितेन्द्रदेव शाक्य आए । उनको कार्यकार ४ वर्षको रहे पनि २०७८ साउनमा शाक्यलाई जल तथा ऊर्जा आयोगमा सरुवा गरेर सरकारले ११ महिनापछि फेरि घिसिङलाई नै कार्यकारी निर्देशक नियुक्त गरियो । सरकारको निर्णयविरुद्ध शाक्य अदालत पुगे । तर आदेश भएन, पेसीमै सीमित रह्यो । पहिलो कार्यकालको साख जोगाउने दबाबबीच सुरु भएको दोस्रो कार्यकालमा भने २०८१ असारमा दीपक खड्का ऊर्जामन्त्री बनेपछि घिसिङलाई अप्ठ्यारो परिस्थिति सुरु भयो । 

डेडिकेटेड र ट्रंकलाइन बक्यौताबारे उठाउने कि नउठाउने विषयमा तत्कालीन ऊर्जामन्त्री खड्का र घिसिङबीच विवाद हुँदै आएको थियो । त्यसयता कार्यसम्पादन, आन्तरिक तथा बाह्य भ्रमणको स्वीकृति, भारतमा विद्युत् आदानप्रदानको सहमति लगायत विभिन्न विषयमा  सरकारले पटकपटक स्पष्टीकरण सोधेको थियो । 

९ महिनादेखिको विवादपछि सरकारले कार्यकाल रहँदा नै चैत २०८१ मा स्पष्टीकरण चित्तबुझ्दो नभएको भन्दै मन्त्रिपरिषद्ले कार्यकारी निर्देशक

पदबाट हटाएको थियो

। 

उनको दोस्रो कार्यकालमा डेडिकेटेड र ट्रंकलाइनको बक्यौता उठाउने पक्षमा लागे पनि सरकारसँग विमति रहँदा पदबाट हटाइएको थियो । घिसिङको पक्षमा वकालत गर्दा ऊर्जा,  राज्यमन्त्री बनेका पूर्णबहादुर तामाङ (कान्छाराम) लाई समेत सरकारले बर्खास्त गरेको थियो । 

घिसिङ हटाएको विषयले संसद्‍मा समेत प्रवेश पायो । संसद् अवरुद्ध भयो । सत्तापक्ष कांग्रेसकै सांसदहरूले समेत यसबारे प्रश्न गरेका थिए । २०८१ चैत १८ मा  संसदलाई  सम्बोधन गर्दै  तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्‍त्री केपी शर्मा ओलीले सरुवा गर्ने, जगेडामा राख्ने, स्पष्टीकरण सोध्ने र नसिहत दिनेदेखि पदमुक्त समेत गर्न सकिने बताएका थिए । ‘एकजना कर्मचारीको विषयमा प्रश्न उठेको छ । संसद् अवरुद्ध बनेको छ । महत्वपूर्ण संसदीय कार्यमा बाधा पुगेको छ । राष्ट्र सेवक कर्मचारीको गुण दोषको टिप्पणी गर्ने ठाउँ यहाँ हो भन्ने लाग्दैन । …मन्त्रीको निर्णय सही छ कि गलत, त्यसको परीक्षण सम्बन्धित निकायले गर्ने हो। त्यस्तो अवस्थामा सरुवा गर्ने जगेडामा राख्ने स्पष्टीकरण सोध्ने नसिहत दिनेदेखि पदमुक्त गर्नेसम्म काम गरिन्छ । अहिलेको सरकारले होइन । जहिलेको सरकारले पनि गर्छ ।’ 

भारतसँगको सम्झौतामा प्रश्न 

भारतसँगको विद्युत् सम्झौताबारे पनि घिसिङ विवादित बने । भारतको पावर ट्रेडिङ कम्पनी (पीटीसी) सँग महँगोमा बिजुली खरिदबिक्री सम्झौता गरेको आरोप उनी र मनोज सिलवालमाथि छ । 

पीटीसी भारतसँगको सम्झौतामा के के भएको थियो ?

तत्कालीन ऊर्जामन्त्री खड्का हुँदा नै पीटीसीले प्रतियुनिट ६.७४ भारुमा बिजुलीको प्रस्ताव पठाएको थियो । तत्कालीन प्राधिकरण सञ्चालक समिति बैठकले त्यसको अख्तियारी कार्यकारी निर्देशक अर्थात् शाक्यलाई दिने निर्णय गरेको थियो । तर लगत्तै शाक्य विदेशमा रहेकाले प्रक्रिया अघि बढाइएको थिएन । उक्त प्रस्तावको म्याद थप्न पत्राचार गरिएको थियो । पीटीसीले म्याद गुज्रेको र नथपिने जानकारी गराएको थियो । लगत्तै पीटीसीले ६.९५ भारुको अर्को प्रस्ताव पठायो । त्यसको पनि मिति गुज्रिन लागेकाले प्रक्रिया अघि बढाइएको तत्कालीन कार्यकारी निर्देशक सिलवाल बताउँछन् । 

तत्काल निर्णय नगरेको भए आज पीटीसी सम्झौताअनुरुप बिजुली खरिद गर्ने अवस्था नहुने घिसिङको भनाइ छ । घिसिङका प्रतिस्पर्धी काठमाडौंमा १० निर्वाचन क्षेत्र छन् । घिसिङ काठमाडौं-३ बाट उम्मेदवार छन् । यस क्षेत्रमा कांग्रेसका तर्फबाट रमेश अर्याल, एमालेबाट रामेश्वर फुयाँल, रास्वपाबाट राजु अर्याल र नेकपाबाट निरज लामा उम्मेदवार छन् । 

कांग्रेस उम्मेदबार अर्याल यसअघि वडा नम्बर ६ का अध्यक्ष थिए । २०७४ सालको स्थानीय निर्वाचनमा उनी लोकप्रिय मतका साथ वडाध्यक्षमा निर्वाचित भएका हुन् । उनी कोभिड र विपतका समयमा राम्रो काम गरेका कारण लोकप्रिय मानिन्छन् । निर्वतमान सांसद सन्तोष चालिसेलाई भ्रष्टाचार मुद्दा दायर भएपछि पार्टीले अर्याललाई निर्वाचनमा उभ्याएको हो ।

२०७९ मा प्रदेशसभामा पराजित भएका रामेश्वर फुयाँललाई एमालेले मैदानमा उतारेको छ । उनी यो क्षेत्रका पुरानै उम्मेदवार हुन् । पहिलो संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा कांग्रेसका तर्फबाट चक्रबहादुर ठकुरीले जित हात पार्दा एमालेका तर्फबाट फुयाँल उम्मेदवार थिए । त्यसपछि २०७० मा फुयाँलले ठकुरीलाई नै पराजित गरे । त्यसलगत्तै उनी २०७९ सालमा प्रदेशसभामा उठे तर पराजित भए । फुयाँल आलोपोटका पूर्वगाविस अध्यक्ष हुँदै एमालेको राजनीतिमा हालसम्म सक्रिय पुराना उम्मेदवार हुन् । 

नेकपाले निरज लामालाई अघि सारेको छ। उनी पनि यो क्षेत्रका लोकप्रिय व्यक्ति हुन् । रास्वपाका उम्मेदवार राजु पाण्डे काठमाडौं महानगरपालिकाका पूर्वकर्मचारी हुन् । बालेन्द्र शाह मेयर हुँदा उनी नगर प्रहरी प्रमुख थिए । शाहले राजीनामा दिएर झापा-५ मा उम्मेदवार बनेपछि पाण्डे पनि राजीनामा दिएर चुनावी मैदानमा छन् । पूर्वसुरक्षाकर्मी र रास्वपाको लहर भएकाले उनलाई प्रतिस्पर्धी उम्मेदवारका रुपमा हेरिएको छ। 

त्यस्तै, राप्रपाले  सुन्दरराम बोहरालाई उम्मेदवार बनाएको छ। यस क्षेत्रमा राप्रपा चौथो शक्तिको रुपमा रहेको छ। जनता समाजवादी पार्टी नेपालबाट प्रनिलध्वज कार्की, नेपाल मजदुर किसान पार्टीबाट मदन श्रेष्ठ, प्रगतिशील लोकतान्त्रिक पार्टीबाट शेखर अर्याल, मंगोल नेसनल अर्गनाइजेसनबाट कुलबहादुर लामा, नेपाल कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी (संयुक्त) बाट बाबुकाजी कार्की, नेसनल रिपब्लिक नेपालबाट प्रेम छिरिङ शेर्पा, श्रम संस्कृति पार्टीबाट सुवास घिसिङ उम्मेदवार छन् ।

यसैगरी, मितेरी पार्टी नेपालबाट जितबहादुर तामाङ, नेपाल कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी (माओवादी) बाट शेखरनाथ आचार्य, आमजनता पार्टीबाट रूपसागर देवी, स्वतन्त्रबाट केशव नेपाल, प्रदीप काफ्ले, रामकृष्ण पुजारी, श्रीकृष्ण बराल, सज्जन आचार्य र सुरेशकुमार ढुंगाना उम्मेदवार बनेका छन् । 

यो क्षेत्रमा  मा २२ जना उम्मेदवार छन् । २०७९ को चुनावमा २३ उम्मेदवार चुनावी मैदानमा थिए । २०७९ सालको तुलनामा यस क्षेत्रमा ६ हजार नयाँ मतदाता थपिएका छन् । काठमाडौं-३ मा कुल मतदाता संख्या ६४ हजार ४ सय ७९ छ ।

०००

लामो समयदेखिका सहयात्री एवं उनेपामा सक्रिय भएका पूर्वसचिव अनुपकुमार उपाध्याय घिसिङ बिस्तारै कर्मचारी कम, राजनीतिज्ञ धेरै हुँदै गएको बताउँछन् । राजनीतिसँगै उनमा कूटनीतिको पनि ज्ञान अनि व्यवस्थापनको अनुभव भएकाले राजनीतिक इनिङ्स सफल हुने उपाध्यायको दाबी छ । भारत र चीन लगायतका देशसँग प्राधिकरणमै रहेर काम गरेकाले  परराष्ट्र नीतिमा पनि घिसिङलाई सहज हुने उनी आँकलन गर्छन् । 

अन्तरिम सरकारमा मन्त्री छँदा घिसिङले रुग्ण ठेक्का तोडे, विपद्का बेला फिल्डमै खटिए, बञ्चरे डाँडामा आफैं पुगे, समस्या समाधान गरे र परिणाम देखाए । ‘अहिले जे सुकै परिणाम आए पनि उनी राजनीतिक क्षेत्रमै रहन्छन् । उनले अब मेरो फिल्ड पोलिटिक्स हो। म जनता र राष्ट्रको सेवा गर्ने हो भन्नुपर्छ,’ उपाध्याय भन्छन्, 'समृद्ध नेपाल बनाउने यो अभियानमा हामी राम्रो सिट ल्याउँछौं । स्थानीय चुनाव, प्रदेश चुनाव आउँदै छ, निरन्तर हामी पार्टी निर्माणमै लाग्नेछौं ।' 

लोडसेडिङको अँध्यारो हटाएर ‘उज्यालो’को प्रतीक बनेका घिसिङ अब राजनीतिक मैदानमा छन् । प्राविधिक प्रशासकबाट राजनीतिक नेतृत्वतर्फको उनको यात्रा छोटो समयमै उतारचढावपूर्ण रह्यो । पार्टी गठन, एकता प्रयास, विवाद र राजीनामाबीच घिसिङ अब प्रत्यक्ष जनमतको प्रतिस्पर्धामा छन् । प्राविधिक व्यवस्थापनमा सफल ठहरिएका उनी जनमतको प्रतिस्पर्धामा कति सफल होलान् ? काठमाडौं–३ का मतदाताले उनलाई उज्यालो अभियानको नेतृत्व सुम्पिनेछन् कि स्थापित दलकै उम्मेदवार रोज्नेछन् ? अबको निर्णय मतपेटिकाले गर्नेछ ।