Nepal is currently in a period of rapid transformation. On one side, there is the old political culture. On the other, there is the emerging digital generation. In between the two lies the country's social and economic reality. The nationwide protests on 23 Bhadra and the destruction seen on 24 Bhadra were not just two-day events.

These events brought to the surface the discontent, aspirations and uncertainties that are at the heart of Nepal's political mindset. It is now imperative to understand the role, anger and aspirations of Gen-G in particular.

The political psychology of Gen-G

Gen-G's consciousness runs at a digital speed. They receive information quickly, make immediate assessments and question the status quo. This tendency is more acute than in previous generations. They prioritize results over speeches. They seek structural reforms over traditional assurances. They build a value system based on careers, opportunities, living standards and transparency over party loyalty.

The political views of Gen-G are also greatly influenced by trends shown by short video clips, reels or algorithms. This is why Gen-G is powerful, because they form their opinions quickly. But it is also equally risky. Because they associate a topic with emotional outbursts rather than deep study.

Be it the 'BLM' movement in the US or the youth movements in Chile, France, Hong Kong, South Korea or Sri Lanka, the same characteristics are seen there. Rapid energy, rapidly heating up anger and the effect of immediate reaction rather than long-term strategy. Nepal is also not outside this cycle.

Political impact of social media

Nepal's political discourse is now focused on social media. For many young people, TikTok, YouTube, Instagram and Facebook are no different from the political classroom. It spreads political awareness quickly. For example, protesting corruption, criticizing wrong policies, raising awareness about people's rights. But another side of this is very sensitive. For example, half-truths, influenced by cut clips.

In France, the 'Yellow Vest' movement had a majority of those who stood up for justice for a few weeks. But after some provocative content spread on social media, violence increased and public opinion reversed. The network is determining the political direction of the youth everywhere in the US, Brazil, Britain and India. The same effect is being seen in Nepal too.

8 September

The nationwide outrage on 8 September was not just a reaction against a party. It was an expression of the frustration, discontent, unemployment, corruption, lack of opportunities and deep distrust of the state that was pent up among the youth. The reason why those youth took to the streets was not simply because ‘someone called’, it was a social energy that had not been contained for a long time.

The movements seen by the older generation were the result of a certain leadership, but this generation was inspired by the algorithms of social media, collective anger and shared frustration. 8 September made the country understand – now the youth will no longer remain silent. Their voices are no longer raised by the microphones of parliament, but by the lenses of mobile phones. Their questions are no longer guided by party loyalty, but by their personal future. It signaled the beginning of a new political era, where ‘politics’ is no longer defined by the leaders, but by the people.

9 September

The destruction, arson, damage to private businesses, attacks on public structures and chaotic scenes seen in various parts of the country on 9 September raised big questions about the morality of the movement. Just as the excessive use of force by state security forces on September 8 angered citizens, the unbridled anger shown by some groups on September 9 weakened the moral height of the movement.

No democratic society can forget the scene of dozens of deaths and hundreds of injuries. The uncertainty, accusations, misleading materials, and social divisions that followed make one thing clear: revolutions are never clean. But responsibility must be met.

If the movement is ‘ours’, then the investigation, truth, and conclusions of the devastation that arose from it must also be accepted by ‘ours’. This civic maturity is the root of all successful popular uprisings around the world.

The Root of Corruption in Nepal

Corruption in Nepal is not just a problem of leaders. It is spread throughout the larger structure. Governments change, ministers change, slogans change, but the mentality of running state files remains the same. This is why, despite repeated slogans for reform, institutional reform has never been sustainable.

The widespread reforms in South Korea in the 90s were initiated due to the anger of the youth. But long-term structural change was possible not because of youth energy, but because of bureaucratic reform. In Singapore, corruption control was possible not only because of the will of the leader, but also because of administrative reform. In Hong Kong, the basis of governance was ‘clean administration’. These world examples show that the leadership announces reforms, but the responsibility for implementation lies with the state structure. In Nepal, too, real change can only be possible when the new generation launches a long-term movement against bureaucratic corruption – not just on the streets, but through policies, studies, dialogue and elections.

Old parties and the new generation

Many young people of Gen-G consider the old parties unreliable. The same leadership, the same language, the same promises for decades. All this has increased the demand for an alternative political culture. But the idea that the old parties must be removed, and the new generation must be brought to the streets in its entirety, may not be fully acceptable. The old leadership that has improved in democracy and the emerging new generation can work together.

In Germany, the old parties gave place to the new generation. That is why political stability was possible. In France, new leadership like Emmanuel Macron challenged the old. But reformist leaders of the same party collaborated. In South Korea, there is a history of the confrontation between the old and the new making drastic reforms against corruption possible. All these examples show that if the old parties improve, they can be given a place.

Electoral behavior and ground-level political reality

Gen-G's voice is loud in Nepal now. But the election results are never what they seem on social media. Because many voters in Nepal make decisions based on rural sociology, family political traditions, local power balances, and social relationships. This is why the popularity created by TikTok may not always be reflected in the election results. In all countries like the US, India, and Brazil, there is a gap between digital popularity and ground-level political reality. In Nepal, this gap is even deeper.

The youth are not united. There is a fear that the energy of the same youth will sometimes go in the opposite direction. This division has become the source of power for the old parties.

Nepal is now moving towards a new direction

Nepal has now entered a decisive phase. September 8 showed the energy of the youth, September 9 taught a strong lesson of responsibility. The desire for change is vast, the despair is deep, the search for opportunity is intense. Now the decisive question is, will Gen-G unite or will they fall apart? If they stand on a common goal, formulate a long-term strategy, decide on policies and leadership, then Nepal will build a new political civilization. If they learn politics based not only on emotion, but on vision and patience, then the future of the country will be safe in the hands of this generation, not in the hands of any party.