If the Congress had not changed its leadership through a special general convention, then acting president Purna Bahadur Khadka and former minister Hridayram Thani would now be door-to-door canvassing in Surkhet. Khadka did not take the ticket after he went to court, calling the special general convention and leadership change illegal. Thani, who was in favor of Shekhar Koirala, attended the special general convention at the last minute and supported him, but withdrew from taking the ticket.

Khadka and Thani are traditional rivals within the party. Some local cadres believe that Thani did not take the ticket because he feared that one of them would not be in the fray. Since he himself was not in the fray, both these leaders have put forward relatives and confidants. In Surkhet-1, where he has been contesting since 2048 (except for one term in between), the then acting president Khadka has fielded his brother Saila Bhai Bishnu Bahadur. Thani, who has been contesting the parliamentary elections since 2051, has fielded his confidant Narayan Kumar Koirala as his candidate in Surkhet-2. 

Thani has been making a beeline for Koirala in the district headquarters to win, but Khadka has ignored the requests of local leaders, cadres and his brother and has not come to the district. He last came to his home district on 4 Kartik and returned to Kathmandu. As the party heads to the country for elections, both the then president Sher Bahadur Deuba and acting president Khadka, who went to court over the issue of selecting a new leadership from the special general convention and the recognition of the working committee, are not candidates. Even amidst the rush of the elections, they have not left their residence in the capital. 

Khadka, who has been in the election fray since 2048, became an MP for only one term in 2064 through proportional representation. He has lost only one of the six elections in the meantime. In 2074, he was defeated by UML's Dhruv Kumar Shahi. However, in the 2079 election, Khadka became an MP by defeating the same Shahi. Meanwhile, Khadka became the Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister in the Congress-Maoist coalition government. He became the joint general secretary, general secretary, deputy president and acting president in the party. 

His brother Bishnu Bahadur has a great contribution to Khadka's rise to this level. While Thani is trying to win the candidate he nominated in Surkhet-2, Bhai, who has been a 'Tekko' throughout his life and has been in charge of the district's politics, is on this grand campaign to save his brother's legacy. However, he is facing challenges due to his brother's absence. Other leaders along with Khadka, who questioned the legitimacy of the special general convention, including Bimalendra Nidhi, Prakash Sharan Mahat, Mahendra Yadav, NP Sawad, Kishore Singh Rathore, have entered the final stretch of the election competition by getting tickets. However, why is Khadka, who did not get a ticket on moral grounds, not in his home district? When Kantipur tried to talk to Khadka about this, he did not want to get in touch. 

However, Bhai said that he was in a situation where he could not come on moral grounds. 'Yes, I also called my brother. Local leaders and workers also requested that he should come once. But he did not say anything about not coming and coming. However, since he himself did everything from filing a petition with the election office to going to the Supreme Court to declare the special general convention illegal, he did not try to come on moral grounds,' he said, 'probably he will come to vote. 

Even though he did not come, he had conversations with friends on telephone and video calls. The Congress is in the election fray in Surkhet with one voice.'

Bishnu is also a businessman along with the district vice-president of the Congress. He leads the Madhyapaschim Yatayat Entrepreneurs Pvt. Ltd. He has been in the transportation business for a long time and also has a nursing home and other businesses in his headquarters. His house and business were targeted during the Gen-G movement. He has been claiming that his candidacy is not weak as he has been in the Madhyapaschim Yatayat Entrepreneurs Pvt. Ltd. and has provided employment to thousands of youth, and has contributed to development work including education, health and other sectors, from establishing universities. 

UML's Dhruv Kumar Shahi is the candidate this time. He was defeated by Purna Bahadur Khadka in 2079 BS by getting 30,988 votes. Khadka had secured 42,607 votes. Before that, Shahi had defeated Khadka in the 2074 elections. Shahi is the secretary of the UML provincial committee. The 55-year-old started politics from ANRFSU in 2045. A master's degree in rural development from Tribhuvan University, he was elected as the chairman of the former Masahare VDC at the age of 27. After that, he rose to national politics as a UML MP.

The presence of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in Surkhet, the capital of Karnali, where the Congress and the UML have been losing in the parliamentary elections, has shaken the voters. Tek Bahadur Singh is the candidate from the RSP in Surkhet-1. He joined the RSP from the Congress only three months ago. Singh is the former district vice president of the Congress. In the 2074 provincial assembly elections, he was the candidate from Surkhet-1 (A) from the Congress. However, he was defeated by Thammar Bista of the Maoists. Bista won with 15,352 votes, while he got 15,132 votes. 

There are 13 candidates, including two independents, in Surkhet-1. The NCP has fielded Jit Bahadur Rana and the RPP has fielded Ravikiran Hamal. Rana has been in politics since 2047 and is a fighter during the then Maoist armed conflict. Earlier, he was the district in-charge. When the Congress won from both constituencies in the 2079 elections, the second competitor was the UML. In 2079, there was an alliance of the Congress, the then Maoists, and others, while on the other hand, there was another alliance led by the UML, including the RPP and JSP Nepal. 

The Congress is also leading in both constituencies in the proportional vote. In Surkhet-1, the Congress got 33,608 votes, while the UML got 29,687 votes. The RPP was in third place, getting much fewer votes than these two parties. The RPP got 2,814 proportional votes in this constituency. On the other hand, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) had fielded Mohammad Hasrat Ali in 2079 BS. He could not even get 1,000 votes. The RSS, which had secured 897 votes at that time, has become the main challenge for the two big parties this time. 

In 2079 BS, Congress's Hridayram Thani won from Surkhet-2 by getting 34,625 votes. UML's Amrit Bahadur Budha Chhetri got 29,558 votes. The votes of the RSS's Tek Bahadur Chunara, who came in third at that time, were 4,611 votes. Comparatively, the influence of the RSS is greater in Surkhet-2 than in Surkhet-1. The influence of the RSS is seen more in urban areas than in rural areas. 

According to the latest data from the national census, Surkhet has 9 local levels with a population of 415,126. Out of which, about 67 percent of the population lives in rural areas. There are 148,943 voters in the district. According to the election office, there are 123,075 voters in Surkhet-1 and 124,665 voters in 2. 

Surkhet-1 includes Birendranagar-15 and 16, along with Bheriganga, Gurbhakot and Lekbesi municipalities and Simta and Chingad rural municipalities. Surkhet-2 includes 14 wards of Birendranagar municipality. Which are connected to the district headquarters. Which has a population of 1458. Similarly, Barahatal rural municipality, Panchpuri municipality and Chaukune rural municipality are included. The main urban area of ​​the district headquarters is connected to Surkhet-2. In which the influence of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is increasing. 

The RSSS has also put forward a candidate from the Congress background in Surkhet-2. Former city secretary of the Congress, Ramesh Sapkota, is the RSSS's candidate. He left the Congress and joined the RSSS about a year and a half ago. Sapkota is a transport businessman. Sapkota, who entered the transportation business as a driver in 2055, is seen as a strong candidate for the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). According to him, the RSSS is competing with the Congress in both areas of Surkhet. He estimates that the UML's votes will be more affected than the Congress. He says that the main reasons for the increase in attraction towards the RSSS are the distaste for the old parties, the social services he has done, personal and institutional relations, and the hope and trust in the RSSS. 'When comparing those who have joined the party in the RSSS, we hope to get more votes for the UML than for the Congress,' he said. 'Yesterday's vote bank and today's situation are different. Today, when the RSSS candidate reaches the doorsteps of the people, the smiling faces seen on the citizens are not seen when other candidates reach them.'

This time, the UML has put forward Kulmani Devkota as a new candidate in Surkhet-2. Devkota is also the president of the UML Surkhet. Devkota, who has been in a leadership role in the Surkhet Valley Drinking Water Consumers' Organization for a long time, claims that he has no competitor in the district. He says that UML voters have not switched to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). 'The people's support and cooperation is great for the UML. Organizationally, we are the strongest,' he said, 'I have not found a competitor for the UML in such a situation.' 

Congress leader Thani says that he experienced that the atmosphere of the election was downgraded due to the absence of central-level leaders in the field this time. Congress's Khadka and Thani, UML leader Yamalal Kandel are familiar faces in national politics. UML leader Kandel is currently the Chief Minister of Karnali Province. Thani says that the atmosphere was different because the two main leaders of the Congress were not in the competition. 

Since the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) did not have much influence in the previous election, there was talk among leaders of the two parties that this time too there would be a competition between the Congress and the UML. However, Thani says that the presence of RSP President Ravi Lamichhane and senior leader Balendra Shah at the 7th Falgun Ghantaghar meeting has confused even him. ‘Jammajammi Ravi spoke for 6 minutes and Balen for 3 minutes, there is no agenda. There is no plan on how to move the country forward. But people seem to be following the rumors,’ he says, ‘Until yesterday, this is a place where Congress will win 100 percent. It is difficult to know whose votes RSP will get more, but I think the main competition in the district will be with UML.’ 

Koirala is a candidate from Surkhet-2 this time on Thani’s recommendation. He entered politics from the Nepal Students’ Union. He is the president of Radio Bheri. He is also the former regional president of the Congress and the president of the Surkhet Valley Urban Development Committee. He claims that his influence has increased as he played a significant role in the planned development of the valley while he was the president of the Urban Development Committee. 

There are 17 candidates from this area, including Jhak Bahadur Malla from the NCP. Malla is the then district in-charge of the Maoist Center. A central member of the NCP, he led the 'jailbreak' of Surkhet during the armed conflict. He was also a former combatant commander and lost his wife during the armed conflict. 

7,362 new voters have been added to the district. Most of them are youth. There are 148,000 voters in Surkhet-2. Especially in this district, it is said that the votes of the squatters will be decisive on the last day of the election. There are about 7,000 squatters in Surkhet-1. There is about the same number in Surkhet-2. Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh candidate Sapkota said that the new voters of about 7,000 from the squatters will be decisive. 

There are about 52,696 squatters and unorganized settlers in Surkhet. According to Shreedhar Paudyal, former chairman of the disbanded National Land Commission District Committee, there are 13 settlements in Birendranagar, including Gutu Bazaar of Chaukune Rural Municipality, Babiyachaur of Panchpuri Municipality, and Chhinchu Bazaar of Bheriganga Municipality, landless and unorganized settlers. 

According to the details of the committee, 3,272 people in Simta, 847 in Chingad, 8,157 in Bheriganga, 4,757 in Lekbesi, 6,470 in Gurbhakot, 13,880 in Birendranagar, 6,480 in Panchpuri, 4,480 in Chaukune, and 4,785 in Barahatal had filled in the land acquisition forms. Of these, about 700 people were distributed land titles in the first phase. ‘We were preparing to distribute land titles to 900 more people,’ said former chairman Paudyal, ‘the committee has been dissolved.’ According to him, landless and squatters have been living in Birendranagar since 2022.

In Surkhet-1, Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh candidate Tek Bahadur Singh said that a high-level committee is being formed to formulate an action plan to provide permanent land titles to landless squatters. ‘We have also created a program to classify the landless and connect them to agriculture, production and various self-employment businesses based on their needs,’ he said. 

UML candidate from Surkhet-2, Kulmani Devkota, said that he would take the initiative to distribute land to squatters within a year. ‘A large population is landless, and their landlessness has affected their settlement, employment and social security,’ he said, ‘The commission formed when the UML-led government was in power had started the process. It was dissolved before the work was completed.’ 

सोही क्षेत्रका कांग्रेस उम्मेदवार कोइरालाले पनि भूमिहीन र सुकुम्बासीलाई स्थायी पुर्जा दिने कामलाई आफूले पहिलो प्राथमिकतामा राखिएको बताए । ‘अहिले उहाँहरू नै हाम्रो निर्णायक मतदाता हो, उहाँहरूको समस्याप्रति कांग्रेस पहिलेदेखि नै सचेत छ,’ उनले भने, ‘भूमिहीन युवालाई विभिन्न सीपमूलक तालिम दिई रोजगारीमा जोड्ने हाम्रो योजना छ ।’

तर, सुकुम्बासी बस्तीका मतदाताहरू पुराना दलका नेताको भनाइमा विश्वस्त छैनन् । २०४८ देखि नै सुकुम्बासीलाई भोट बैंक बनाउँदै आएको आरोप उनीहरूको छ । लालपुर्जा र रोजगारी सुकुम्बासी बस्तीको मुख्य मुद्दा हुन् । लालपुर्जा नपाउँदा बैंकमा धितो राखेर सानोतिनो व्यवसाय चलाउन नपाएको उनीहरूको गुनासो छ । 

‘कुनै पटक कांग्रेसले लालपुर्जा देला भनेर हालियो, दिएन । एमालेले देला भनेर हालियो, दिएन । त्यसपछि माओवादी आयो । प्रचण्डले पक्कै गर्लान् भनेर सबै भोट माओवादीतिर खन्याइयो, भएन,’ शीतलटोलस्थित सुकुम्बासी बस्तीकी महिमा बस्याल भन्छिन्, ‘रोजगारी छैन । व्यवसाय गर्न धितो राख्न पाइँदैन । लाजले होला, धेरै दलहरू भोट माग्न आएका छैनन् । यस पटक पार्टी होइन, व्यक्ति हेरेर भोट गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने छलफल चलिरहेको छ ।’

विगतमा पैसा वितरण गरेर भोट प्रभावितसमेत पार्ने गरेकाले यस पटक पनि त्यस्तो प्र्रयास अन्तिम घडीमा हुन सक्ने श्रीनगरस्थित अर्को सुकुम्बासी बस्तीका मोहनलाल गन्धर्वले बताए । ‘हाम्रो बस्तीमा धेरैजसो दलित छौं । नेताहरूले पैसा देखाएर पनि प्रभावित पार्न खोज्छन् । यस पटक पैसाले प्रभावित पार्न खोजे पनि पार्टी हेर्दैनौं, व्यक्ति कस्तो छ भनेर हेर्छौं,’ उनी भन्छन्, ‘हाम्रो मुख्य मुद्दा लालपुर्जा हो । अब कति समयसम्म यो माग हामीले उठाइरहनुपर्ने हो ?’

मध्यपश्चिम विश्वविद्यालयमा द्वन्द्व र शान्ति अध्ययन विषयका उपप्राध्यापक कमल लम्साल पछिल्ला तीन/चार वटा निर्वाचनको तुलना गर्दा परिस्थिति यस पटक नयाँ दलप्रति ढल्कने देखिएको बताए । विचार र एजेन्डाभन्दा पनि नयाँ र पुरानाबीचको प्रतिस्पर्धाको मुद्दामा चुनाव हुन लागिरहेको उनले बताए । ‘२०६४ मा आस र त्रासबीचको मतदान थियो । यस पटक जेन–जी आन्दोलनपछिको परिस्थितिमा विशेष निर्वाचन हुँदै छ । जबर्जस्ती रूपमा नयाँ शक्ति आउन खोजेका छन् । २०६४ मा जस्तै यसपालि एक पटक हेरौं भन्ने र उनीहरूप्रति आशा राख्ने जमात देखिन्छ,’ लम्साल भन्छन्, ‘एजेन्डा र विचारको होइन । प्रयोगको, अनि पुरानो र नयाँबीचको प्रतिस्पर्धा हुँदै छ । तर, सुर्खेतकै हकमा नयाँ दलमा पनि पुरानै दलबाट गएका उम्मेदवार छन् । तिनलाई कसरी नयाँ भन्ने ?’ 

निजामती सेवाबाट निवृत्त स्थानीय भरत गिरीका अनुसार यस पटकको निर्वाचन एजेन्डामा केन्द्रित छैन । नयाँ र पुरानाबीचको ध्रुवीकरण एकातिर छ भने अर्कोतर्फ पुराना पार्टीका नेताले भ्रष्टाचार मात्रै गरे भन्ने भाष्य छ । ‘मूलभूत रूपमा सुशासनको दिशामा राजनीतिक दलले होइन, नेताले केही गरेनन् भन्ने जनआक्रोश सहरीदेखि ग्रामीण इलाकासम्मका नागरिकलाई परेको छ । जिल्ला प्रशासन, मालपोत कार्यालय, यातायात कार्यालयलगायतका क्षेत्रमा सेवाग्राहीले बेहोर्नुपरेको हैरानी र दलालीतन्त्रको सास्ती खेप्नुपर्दाको आक्रोश छ,’ उनी भन्छन्, ‘जनतालाई हामीमाथि शोषण गरेका छन् । लुटेका छन् भन्ने परेको छ । अर्कोतर्फ राज्यले भेदभावपूर्ण चरित्र देखायो भन्ने परेको छ ।’ 

सुर्खेत उद्योग वाणिज्य संघका अध्यक्ष हर्षविक्रम खड्का सामाजिक सञ्जाल र युवामा नयाँ लहर देखिए पनि नतिजा नै निकाल्ने खालको प्रभाव नयाँ दलको नभएको दाबी गर्छन् । ‘देशमा केही भएन भन्ने भाष्य सिर्जना भएको छ । केही नभएको होइन । सोचेअनुसार नभएको मात्रै हो । तर, यो नकारात्मक भाष्यले यहीँ व्यवसाय गरेर बस्ने युवाहरू पनि पलायन हुने क्रम बढेको छ । साना काम गरेरै भए पनि सरकार भएको अनुभूति दिन सक्ने सरकार चाहिएको छ,’ उनले भने । 

२० निर्वाचन स्थल अति संवेदनशील 

सुर्खेतका २० निर्वाचन स्थललाई अति संवेदनशीलको सूचीमा राखिएको छ । दुई निर्वाचन क्षेत्र रहेको जिल्लामा १ सय ४२ निर्वाचन स्थल र ३ सय ५ मतदान केन्द्र निर्धारण गरिएको छ । जिल्ला सुरक्षा समितिका अनुसार बाँकी ८७ स्थललाई संवेदनशील र ३५ स्थललाई सामान्य निर्वाचन स्थलका रूपमा हेरिएको छ ।

अति संवेदनशील निर्वाचनस्थल निर्वाचन क्षेत्र नम्बर १ अन्तर्गत सिम्ता र चिंगाड गाउँपालिकाका ९ निर्वाचनस्थल छन् । यस्तै, क्षेत्र नम्बर २ मा पञ्चपुरी नगरपालिका, चौकुने र बराहताल गाउँपालिकाका ११ स्थल रहेको जिल्ला प्रहरी कार्यालय सुर्खेतका प्रमुख एसपी सुधीरराज शाहीले जानकारी दिए ।

‘दूरी, विकटता र विगतमा घटनालाई मध्यनजर गरेर जिल्लाका यी क्षेत्रलाई वर्गीकरण गरिएको हो,’ शाहीले भने, ‘अहिले हामी सुरक्षा निकायका प्रमुखसहित निर्वाचन अधिकृत निर्वाचनस्थल नै पुगेर हेर्ने, सुधार गर्नुपर्ने विषयमा सुधार गर्नेलगायत काम गरिरहेका छौं । दलहरूबीच पनि समन्वयको काम भएकाले निर्वाचन सामान्य तरिकाले सम्पन्न हुन्छ ।’ शाहीका अनुसार संवेदनशील भनिएका मतदानस्थलमा अहिलेदेखि नै निगरानी राख्न सुरु भएको छ । 

सुर्खेतमा निर्वाचनलक्षित गरेर ९ सय ३५ प्रहरी, ३ सय ७४ नेपाली सेना, २ सय ४८ सशस्त्र प्रहरी र १ हजार ८ सय ४० निर्वाचन प्रहरी खटिने छन् । निर्वाचन प्रयोजनका लागि झन्डै २ हजार कर्मचारी खटिँदै छन् ।