The controversy in the Congress has reached its peak after Congress General Secretaries Gagan Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma called for a special general convention at a time when debate and controversy are raging over whether to hold a special or regular general convention and whether to hold a general convention before or after the elections.

The 15th General Convention was supposed to be held by Mangsir as the four-year term of the elected working committee from the 14th General Convention had already ended. However, due to the deliberate delay by President Sher Bahadur Deuba and the establishment party, the general convention was not held on the announced date. Due to the unusual and extraordinary situation created in national politics after the Gen-G rebellion, a special general convention had to be held immediately. It was mandatory after 54 percent of the general convention delegates made a written demand for a special general convention.

However, serious questions have been raised about the image of the democratic party after the special general convention was not held under the pretext of a technical majority in the central committee. On the one hand, the special general convention was not held, challenging the statute. On the other hand, the establishment party has not only issued a statement and issued a warning challenge to the special general convention called according to the statute, but has also propagated that the party will split. Will the special general convention split if there is a special general convention? If so, why was that provision included in the statute? If the Congress is a democratic party, does it not have to be run according to the statute? Do the President and the Central Committee have the right to make decisions contrary to the statute? Complex and endless questions have arisen. This article has objectively analyzed the historical context of the special general convention, the existing scenario, and the statute.

Odd situation, special general convention

When discussing the special general convention, the context of the 2014 special general convention will be relevant. In the extremely unfavorable situation created by the lack of elections even after 8 years of democracy in 2007, a special general convention was held in 2014 on the proposal of the then President Suvarna Shumsher. After BP Koirala became the president, the Congress got a new life from that general convention. The Congress, which went to the elections under the leadership of BP, had secured two-thirds in the 2015 elections. Like in 2014, a special general convention is indispensable to revive the Congress. The time, context, and period have changed. But the objective, need, and relevance are the same.

Democracy was established in 2007 under the leadership of the Congress, multi-party democracy was established in 2046, and a federal democratic republic was established in 2063. Not only was the decade-long Maoist armed conflict peacefully resolved, but the 2072 constitution was also formed under the leadership of the Congress through the historic Constituent Assembly. But why was the Gen-G movement replaced by the Congress, the main force until 22 Bhadra? How did this situation arise? Shouldn't the core leadership of the party take responsibility? Shouldn't they introspect and reflect on this? Shouldn't they apologize for past mistakes and shortcomings and criticize themselves? Shouldn't they seriously discuss the party's policies and leadership and reach a concrete conclusion? Isn't the General Convention the highest body that can discuss these issues and reach a conclusion? Therefore, the Special General Convention is legitimate from the point of view of the statute, politically necessary and has gained legitimacy from the point of view of the support of the people and cadres.

The Central Committee has repeatedly approved policies and strategies that have proven to be unsuccessful. The Central Committee has become a helpless shadow of the Chairman and 'influential' leaders. The core leadership and the central committee have lost the political status and moral ground to discuss the current burning issues and reach concrete conclusions. Therefore, in the current unique and difficult situation, there is no alternative to a special general convention. If the Congress is not conducted legally, it will also lose the moral right to claim to be a democrat. If the election is held without a new leadership elected by the general convention and a new policy approved, it will cause unimaginable damage.

New policy, new leadership

New leadership with generational transfer in the party is the main demand of the Gen-G rebellion. Now is the time to develop and transfer leadership with generational transfer according to the feelings of the people and the Gen-G generation from the center to the ward. It is necessary to bid farewell to not only Deuba, but also to the second and third generation leaders who have been in the leadership for a long time and have not been able to deliver despite repeated opportunities and have become unpopular. Leadership should be developed and transferred based on vision, image and popularity, not based on seniority, dignity and lineage as in the past. This conclusion is not an appeal to any particular generation, but a conclusion drawn based on the feelings of the people and the young generation. All Congressmen need to understand the reality that the current failure is not that of the Congress, but the failure of the leadership. Because like Ghalib's famous poem, the stain is on the face, and it cannot be wiped off by wiping the mirror.

A visionary, struggling and energetic leadership with a clean image who can lead the country, the people and the party by facing the current complex challenges is the need of the day. For a leadership with vision, confidence and willpower, a crisis is also an opportunity in another sense. If the representation of the young generation is not ensured by transferring leadership along with generational transfer, then the future of the Congress in the current situation is not only dark, but may not even be justified. Therefore, a general convention and new leadership along with generational transfer are the first and essential conditions for the reorganization and transformation of the Congress. A glorious and struggling history alone is not enough. A party and leadership that guarantees a happy future are the people's desire. Therefore, the people are not looking for history and the past, but for a future-oriented and people-oriented party and leadership.

It is necessary to adopt not only new leadership, but also a new vision, new ideas, new policies and a new agenda for the new era. In terms of political ideology and theoretical classification, the Congress is a democratic, liberal, centrist and pluralist party. Nationalism, democracy and socialism are the guiding principles of the Congress. However, in the era of the fifth industrial revolution of the 21st century, political, geopolitical, economic, social and cultural challenges have become more complex and intricate than those of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. To face these challenges, it is necessary to seriously and objectively review the principles, ideas and policies that have been followed so far and define and redefine them in a timely manner. It is necessary to present a clear roadmap for a prosperous and just society envisioned by the Congress to the people. This special general convention should resolve to build a prosperous Nepal and a new Congress.

Now, ideas, policies and agendas are the main priority for the people rather than traditional philosophies, ideologies and principles. Direct and immediate economic development, rule of law, good governance, corruption control, universal service delivery, quality public education, health, transportation, employment, transparency, and accountability are the priorities of the people. Now the people are looking for people-oriented policies and delivery more than scriptures and theories. If they are not converted into policies and programs that solve the problems of the country and the people, there is no justification for empty theories and abstract ideologies. Therefore, a dynamic and policy-oriented Congress is the need of the day rather than a classical theorist. The Congress should go to the people on the basis of new leadership and new policies. Otherwise, the conclusion of being excluded from the people may seem unpleasant and harsh to the Congress people, but this is the reality.

Understanding this reality, Gagan has been expressing the view that it is necessary to define and redefine the principles, ideas, and policies of the Congress in a timely manner. A debate on a theoretical-ideological 'departure' in the Congress was necessary. How meaningful will Gagan's proposals and efforts be? That will be seen in the future. But Gagan has strongly intervened in the theoretical-ideological debate of the Congress. 'Samunnat Nepal, Honble Nepalis' was Gagan's concept in the beginning. It has now become the official concept of the Congress. This is a living example of how much Gagan has made meaningful interventions in the Congress from a theoretical-ideological and policy perspective.

Gagan-Bishw's ordeal

After the Gen-G rebellion, Gagan-Bishw has initiated the reorganization and transformation of the Congress with an apology after introspection, self-reflection and self-criticism. They have been advocating and leading a transformative and transformative trend in the party. If the leadership had changed in the Congress as per their proposal, the accident of 23-24 Bhadra would probably not have happened. It is not that they did not try in the past. But they were not meaningful and result-oriented. Therefore, now the time has come for them to struggle decisively and result-oriented. Absorbing this sentiment of the people and party workers, Gagan tried to change the leadership in the 14th General Convention. But even though he was elected General Secretary, he was not successful in changing the core leadership. He also challenged Deuba in the parliamentary party elections. But they failed again.

Gagan-Bishv's ideas and initiatives have given a message of hope, and people's trust seems to be increasing. But they have limited time. Gagan-Bishv has now taken challenging and risky steps. Now they will be attacked from all sides. But now Gagan-Bishv has no chance to fail like in the past. History has entrusted them with the difficult responsibility of reorganizing and transforming the party and forming a new Congress. For the Congress, this general convention is the last opportunity, while for Gagan-Bishv it is the last test. Therefore, for Gagan-Bishv, who has been passing with distinction in a long and challenging political journey, this is not just the last test, but an ordeal. Now it seems that he has stepped on the altar for the ordeal.

Politics is not just about power, it is about principles. It is not just about compromise, it is about struggle. The politics of power and compromise is easy. But the politics of principle and struggle is difficult and challenging. Gagan-Bishv seems to have adopted the challenging path of principles, struggle and ideas rather than convenience, compromise and power. A politician needs dreams, determination and struggle, which is reflected in the face of Gagan-Bishv. The future of the Congress and the country lies in the cooperation of Gagan-Bishv. If the Congress people are not slaves and living corpses, then it is inevitable to support Gagan-Bishv now for the future of democracy and the Congress. It is time to take an appropriate decision, remembering the history of BP saving the Congress by rebelling against his own brother and the commander of the 2007 revolution, after sacrificing the party's principles and policies and surrendering to King Tribhuvan for power. Should we save the existence of the Congress by holding a special general convention now or bury the skeleton left behind in the name of the general convention after the elections? This is the crucial question of the day.

Gagan-Bishv's pairing and chemistry

From internal party meetings to public forums, it seems that Gagan-Bishv has reflected respect, intimacy and close relationship between each other. Gagan-Vishva seems to have a relationship of colleagues, fellow travelers and fellow warriors. Therefore, Gagan-Vishva's pair is not only solid, but also seems to have chemistry. Gagan-Vishva have many common characteristics, while some are complementary and unique. Skilled orators who can clearly communicate their ideas and convince the public and workers by communicating directly with them, Gagan-Vishva are both popular and people-oriented. Gagan-Vishva both lead a democratic, liberal, progressive, pluralistic and inclusive stream, and are determined to run the state and party responsibly towards the people.

Gagan takes bold, risky and strategic decisions in national politics and internal affairs of the party. But Visva gives priority to the tactical dimension by analyzing the situation and results. While Gagan takes a firm stand from a strategic perspective, Visva has an image of being flexible from a tactical perspective. Gagan's presentation is theoretical and explanatory, Visva's formulaic. While Gagan has a rebellious and combative personality, Visva is decency and gentleness. गगनको पहिचान संघर्षप्रधान छ, विश्वको समन्वयकारी । गगन विचारप्रधान छन्, विश्व भावनाप्रधान । गगनको प्राथमिकता नीति र नेतृत्व छ भने विश्वको रुचि पार्टी साहित्य र कार्ययोजना । त्यसैले नेतृत्व र व्यक्तित्व दुवै दृष्टिले गगन–विश्व एक–अर्काका प्रतिस्पर्धी होइनन्, परिपूरक हुन् ।

पार्टी सदस्यता, ल्याटरल इन्ट्री, क्रियाशील सदस्यहरूबाटै नेतृत्व छनोट, जुनसुकै तहको जनप्रतिनिधि हुन क्रियाशील सदस्यहरूबीच प्राइमरी इलेक्सन (प्राथमिक निर्वाचन) जस्ता इन्ट्री पोलिसी (प्रवेश नीति) मा गगनको प्राथमिकता छ भने विश्वको एक्जिट पोलिसी (अवकाश नीति) मा । स्मरणीय छ, ज्ञान, योग्यता, क्षमता र अनुभवका आधारमा विशेष प्रक्रियामार्फत पार्टीमा भूमिका दिने प्रणालीलाई ल्याटरल इन्ट्री भनिन्छ । कांग्रेस पुनर्जीवनका लागि यस्तो प्रणाली अनुसरण गर्नु अपरिहार्य छ । विश्वले एक्जिट पोलिसीलाई यसरी सूत्रात्मक रूपमा व्याख्या गरेका छन् – एक पटक राष्ट्रपति, दुई पटक प्रधानमन्त्री, तीन पटक मन्त्री र चार पटक सांसद । गत वर्षको महासमिति बैठकमा प्रस्तुत गरिएको विश्वको प्रस्तावप्रति पुरानो पुस्ताका नेतृत्वपंक्तिबाहेक पार्टीका अधिकांश नेता, कार्यकर्ता र सदस्यहरू सहमत भएको देखिन्छ ।

गगन–विश्वको सहकार्य तत्कालिक, रणनीतिक र अस्थायी हो, स्थायी, दीर्घकालीन र वैचारिक होइन । अन्ततः उनीहरूबीच पनि प्रतिस्पर्धा मात्रै होइन, संघर्ष नै हुने आशंकापूर्ण प्रक्षेपण पनि गरिएका छन् । सत्ता, शक्ति र पदलाई नै सर्वोच्च प्राथमिकता दिएर धोका, षड्यन्त्र र छलकपटको राजनीति हुँदै आएको पृष्ठभूमिमा त्यस्तो भविष्यवाणी गरिनु अस्वाभाविक पनि होइन । कुनै पनि पार्टीमा एउटै पुस्ताका नेताहरूले एकले अर्कालाई स्वीकार गरेर सहकार्य गरेको पाइँदैन । उनीहरूबीच अस्वस्थ प्रतिस्पर्धा छ, आरोप–प्रत्यारोप छ । तर गगन–विश्वको सहकार्यले कांग्रेसमा मात्र होइन, अन्य पार्टीका एउटै पुस्ताका नेताहरूका लागि पनि अर्थपूर्ण सन्देश दिएको छ ।

उदाहरणीय जोडीका अनुकरणीय सन्देश

समान तथा फरक पुस्ताका नेताहरूको सहकार्यले पार्टीको जीवनमा कति महत्त्वपूर्ण भूमिका खेल्छ भन्ने जीवन्त उदाहरण बेलायतको लेबर, अमेरिकाको डेमोक्रेटिक र भारतको बीजेपी हुन् । बेलायतको लेबर पार्टीका टोनी ब्लेयर र गोर्डन ब्राउन, अमेरिकाको डेमोक्रेटिक पार्टीका बाराक ओबामा र जो बाइडेन तथा बीजेपीका नरेन्द्र मोदी र अमित शाहको जोडी विश्वचर्चित र उदाहरणीय मानिन्छ । ब्लेयर र ब्राउनको सहनेतृत्व र सहकार्यमा नै लेबर पार्टीलाई सैद्धान्तिक, वैचारिक र सांगठनिक दृष्टिले रूपान्तरण गरी नयाँ लेबरका रूपमा स्थापित गर्न सफल भएका थिए । राजनीति र उमेर दुवै दृष्टिले ब्लेयरभन्दा ब्राउन सिनियर थिए । तर ब्लेयरको भिजन, लोकप्रियता र सांगठनिक क्षमता भएका कारणले ब्राउनले नै ब्लेयरलाई नेताका रूपमा प्रस्ताव गरेका थिए ।

ओबामाभन्दा बाइडेन पनि उमेर र राजनीति दुवैले सिनियर थिए । तर लोकप्रियता र भिजनका कारणले बाइडेनले नै ओबामालाई राष्ट्रपतिमा प्रस्ताव गरे र सन् २००८ मा ओबामा राष्ट्रपति र बाइडेन उपराष्ट्रपति भएका थिए । ओबामा र बाइडेनको जोडीले डेमोक्रेटिक पार्टीको नीति मौलिक रूपमा रूपान्तरण मात्रै गरेन, उनीहरूको कार्यकाल पनि सापेक्षिक रूपमा सफल भएको मानिन्छ । विश्वको सबैभन्दा ठूलो पार्टी बीजेपीका प्रधानमन्त्री नरेन्द्र मोदी र गृहमन्त्री अमित शाहको जोडीले अर्को मानक र नजिर स्थापित गरेको छ । सन् २०१० को दशकदेखि सुरु भएको मोदी–शाह जोडीको सहकार्यले बीजेपीलाई लोकप्रिय पार्टीका रूपमा मात्रै स्थापित गरेको छैन, भारतीय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सञ्चारमाध्यमले मोदी–शाह जोडीलाई ‘इलेक्सन मेसिन’ (चुनाव जित्ने यन्त्र) को संज्ञा दिएका छन् । बीजेपीको आइडियोलोजी र मोदी–शाहको राज्य सञ्चालन प्रक्रियाप्रति फरक दृष्टिकोण वा असहमति हुन सक्छ । तर पार्टी सञ्चालनका दृष्टिले यो पनि विश्वचर्चित सफल जोडी मानिन्छ ।