What was the first day of disagreement between Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Janardan Sharma, two influential commanders of the then Maoist armed conflict? We asked leader Sharma in Musikot Bazaar in Rukum West amid the election rush. He gave a short answer and said, "Since the day we met."

When asked when he first met Dahal, Sharma revealed, ‘In 2042 BS. When Dahal threatened to take action against senior leftist leader Mohan Bikram Singh. I had a different opinion that it would not be good when I was about to move forward in the revolution.’ However, Sharma was impressed by the argument given by Dahal at that time. ‘Yes, that was the first time I said that this man was going to eat the country,’ he said.

These two leaders, who have been going through the sweet and sour experiences of each other’s ups and downs, are standing under different parties and different flags after 42 years. Of course, the history of Maoist disintegration is not new. After the peace process, in 2069, a large number of people including Netra Bikram Chand, Ram Bahadur Thapa, CP Gajurel, and Jaipuri Gharti, led by Mohan Baidya, had left the party, expressing disagreement over the issue of integrating the then Maoist fighters into the Nepali Army.

The Maoists, which had won the first Constituent Assembly election in 2064 with a near-single majority, were defeated in the second Constituent Assembly election in 2070 due to the same split. The Baidya-led group did not participate in the election. With the promulgation of the constitution in 2072, the party split for the second time under the leadership of former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai.

Recently, while Sharma's differences with Dahal were increasing on the issues of method, methodology, and generational succession, the Gen-G movement took place on 23-24 Bhadra. After that, they could not remain in the same party. The 'musical' cheer of power between Sher Bahadur Deuba, KP Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal in the background of the Gen-G rebellion was also a reason. As the party began to look for alternatives to these leaders, Dahal took a step forward and dissolved the working committee of the then Maoist Center. And, in October last year, a new party was formed, the Nepali Communist Party (NCP), by merging various communist elements including the Unified Socialists led by Madhav Kumar Nepal. The name and flag were changed to reflect the Maoists.

Sharma, who separated from that point, announced the Progressive Democratic Party together with former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai and the then Chief Whip Santosh Pariyar, who had separated from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). However, he is not in the leadership of the party. There is a five-member chairman's council to run the party. Including Pariyar, Ojaswi Bhattarai, Durga Sob, Sudan Kirati and Ashok Jayaswal. Among them is Ojaswi Gen-G. Jaisawal is a member of the family of martyrs of the Maoist war. Sob is the coordinator of Naya Shakti.

Despite taking different paths, the political competition between Dahal and Sharma is now face to face in the Rukum field. Dahal, who is a candidate from Rukum East, has returned to Kathmandu after completing his door-to-door campaign, while Sharma has not left Rukum West since the nomination registration. He said that out of a total of 73 wards in all the municipalities in the district, 10 are yet to be reached.

Both the NCP and the Pralopa have been accusing each other of abandoning the Maoists to attract the votes of the families of the injured and martyrs of the Maoist People's War. Janardan accuses Pushpa Kamal Dahal of bringing the party to a right-wing bias by dissolving the Maoists. Dahal has called Sharma a fugitive. Sharma is currently in an election competition with former co-fighter and NCP candidate Gopal Sharma. In Rukum West, UML's Nandaram Devkota is only a technical candidate. He has become the election mobilization commander by supporting Sharma. The Congress has fielded Yuva Raju KC and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has fielded Man Bahadur Shahi, who has a former Maoist background.

In previous elections, Sharma would reach Rukum West. Whether he went on campaign or not, he would win the election confidently. NCP candidate Gopal says that the main reason for his political sacrifices to bring him to this comfortable position is the support they gave him. They are the three people who became Janardan's commanders in the elections from 2064 to 2079.

He says that he supported Janardan within the party, even in the struggle for methods, methods and ideological contradictions. 'If Janardan had fought the ideological battle within the party, I would not have been a candidate now.' We were campaigning to make Janardhan the future president and prime minister by nominating him again,' says Gopal. 'We were in a hurry because we couldn't wait even for one term, so now we have to enter the election fray with him.'

Janardhan was the undisputed leader of the district before leaving the party. He had a strong hold on the local organization. On the strength of that, he had increased his political status at the center. So much so that the entire district stood by him even during the heated internal conflict with Dahal within the party. According to Gopal, a year ago, the district committee had made a formal decision to support Janardhan's line. He chose to separate from the party after leaving the Maoists. Janardhan has lost the organizational hold he had for 17 years. He has got the party office in Musikot, which was run by a foundation established in his parents' name. However, many leaders and comrades have distanced themselves.

Janardan's political journey began in 2034. He contested the election from this constituency in 2048 from the Jan Morcha. At that time, he was defeated by Gopalji Jung Shah of the Congress. Then the Maoist armed war began. He stayed there, did not come to the election 'battle'. He was the deputy commander of the 'People's Liberation Army' formed during the then Maoist armed struggle.

After the Maoist peace process, he became a member of the Interim Legislative Assembly in 2063. In 2064, he was elected as a member of the Army Integration Special Committee and began his parliamentary journey. He became the Minister of Peace and Reconstruction in 2065. After being elected as a member of the second Constituent Assembly in 2070, he became the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee and Minister of Energy. After the 2074 election, he became the Minister of Home Affairs and in 2078, he became the Minister of Finance.

During the Maoist armed conflict, Janardan was assigned as the commander of the Far Western Region. After entering the peace process, most of the leaders went to contest elections in the same constituencies as those assigned during the People's War. 'But we were the ones who brought Janardan to Rukum and took him to political heights,' says Gopal, 'Now he has betrayed the Maoist movement and the martyrs' families.'

However, Sharma says he has no regrets about the path he took. He says that even though there are no former collaborators, the people of Rukum are on his side. Sharma, who won four elections since 2064, became a powerful minister for most of the period. He reached the position of turning the power upside down. He continued to run an influential ministry. Rukum benefited from that. The place where Rukum has reached now in terms of development standards goes to Janardan.

The face of Rukum has changed in the 19 years since the armed war. Until the 2064 elections, vehicles did not come to the district headquarters during the rainy season. There were villages that had to be walked for two to three days from the headquarters. There was no electricity in most places. School buildings were destroyed. ‘Now the road to the headquarters is paved. There is a mid-hill highway. 38 small hydropower projects have been completed under Ujjaya Rukum and electricity has reached every village. With the decisions I have made, billions of rupees are being invested in the hydropower sector. Today, there is no village or village that is not connected to the road,’ says Sharma. ‘Since it was recently established, the party does not have a strong organization. However, the people are on my side. If I lose the election, the development here will lose and the people will also lose.’

Despite winning the election and repeatedly running a powerful ministry, the NCP has made the work that Janardan has not been able to do in Rukum's development a key election issue. The construction of a bridge over the Bheri River in Chaurjahari has been stalled for ten years, says NCP candidate Gopal.     He has been reminding voters that he had to leave the party because he could not support the wrong thing in the name of winning the election. ‘Prachanda did not follow the party’s methods, procedures and statutes. He did not allow the party campaign to move forward. He also did not like the development done in Rukum,' Janardan said, 'He talked about good governance outside. He took Madhav Kumar Nepal, who was facing corruption charges, into the party. He did extortion inside. The Gen-G movement even confirmed that.'

The NCP has made the work that Janardan has not been able to do in Rukum's development a key election issue. The construction of a bridge over the Bheri River in Chaurjahari has been stalled for ten years, says NCP candidate Gopal. If the bridge is not built, vehicles coming from the Pushpalal (Mid-Hill) Highway will have to take the Bheri Corridor route. The residents of Rukum are in trouble if a bridge is not built over the Sanibheri River near the Rimna Dobhan. ‘He became the energy minister, but electricity is still not available in all the villages of Rukum,’ says Gopal. ‘Even the work done by the state and municipality was promoted as being done by Janardhan. He was always supported as a leader. However, when it comes to development, the state and municipalities have done more than him.’

The incident of several youths from Rukum being lured by human traffickers and spending nearly crores of rupees to reach America through illegal routes was recently made public. In the process, many youths are stranded on the road and have to suffer. This has reduced somewhat after Donald Trump became the president of the United States. But it has not stopped completely. The number of people going to India for employment from different parts of Rukum West is also large. However, such issues have not become election issues for the leaders. There is a competition between the NCP and Janardan to take credit for Rukum's development. Janardan believes that he is the main beneficiary of changing the face of Rukum, while NCP candidate Gopal says that Janardan got the opportunity to say so because of them.

The Maoist legacy has a much deeper connection than the election victory or defeat in Rukum. The name, flag and election symbol of the party that reminds of Maoism are neither with the party led by Dahal, nor with the party formed by Janardan. Both have been accusing each other of abandoning the Maoists to attract the votes of the families of the injured and martyrs of the Maoist people's war. They are also making accusations/counter-accusations on the question of pro-Maoist voters in the election field.

Janardan accuses Dahal of dissolving the Maoists and taking the party to the right wing. Dahal has called Sharma a fugitive. 'Janardan is a fugitive, he is being manipulated by foreigners,' Dahal had said while addressing an election rally in West Rukum on 26th Magh. Old Maoist leaders say that pressure on Janardan increased when Dahal was coming to Rukum. Dahal had even announced at an election rally on 6th Falgun that he would make NCP candidate Gopal a minister if he wins the election.

Janardan also received the votes of the Congress in 2079 because he contested the election from an alliance. He won by getting 39,549 votes. This time, the Congress has also been in turmoil due to the internal conflict within the former Maoists. Raju KC is the candidate from the Congress. Until 2051, this region was under the influence of the Congress. After the People's War began, the organizations of both the Congress and the UML suddenly collapsed in this region. This time too, there is no atmosphere of competition between the new and the old like elsewhere. RSP candidate Man Bahadur Shahi is optimistic about the votes of discontent within the Congress, UML and Maoists rather than the organization.

Janardan won the elections by a large margin in the 2064 and 2070 elections without an alliance. The Maoists had an alliance with the UML in 2074 and the Congress in 2079. In the 2079 elections, the Maoists received 34,347 votes in the proportional representation, while the UML and the Congress received 8,769 and 8,766 votes respectively. The RSP got 1,861 votes.

Janardan also received the votes of the Congress in 2079 because he contested the election from an alliance. He won by getting 39,549 votes. दोस्रो स्थानमा एमालेका नन्दराम देवकोटाले १२ हजार ९ सय ६१ मत पाएका थिए । त्यसपछि स्वतन्त्र उम्मेदवार तारक केसीले ३ हजार ५ सय ६७ मत प्राप्त गरेका थिए । त्यो चुनावमा यहाँ प्रत्यक्षतर्फ रास्वपाका उम्मेदवार थिएनन् ।

आफूले पाएको आधा मात्रै मत आफूतिर तान्ने र त्यसमा एमालेको मत थपिएर जित्न सक्ने आकलनमा छन्, जनार्दन । करिब ८ हजार मतको अन्तरमा आफूले चुनाव जित्ने आकलन उनको छ । नेकपा उम्मेदवार गोपाल पनि ७/८ हजारकै अन्तरमा चुनाव जित्ने दाबी गर्छन् । ‘जनार्दनले आधा मत भने पनि उनको पक्षमा ठूलो मत जाँदैन । मतदाताले तपाईंले पनि जनार्दनले जस्तै त गर्ने हो कि भनेर खबरदारी गरेका छन्,’ उनले भने ।

यसपालि चुनावी मैदानमा १२ उम्मेदवार छन् । कांग्रेसका उम्मेदवार केसी स्थानीय तहमा कांग्रेसले सबैभन्दा बढी मतदाता रहेको मुसीकोट नगरपालिका र अर्को बाफीकोट पालिकाको नेतृत्व जितेको र पूर्वमाओवादीभित्र चर्किएको अन्तरसंघर्षले आशावादी देखिएका छन् । उनी पूर्वमाओवादी नेताहरूले जनताका नाममा व्यक्तिगत लाभ लिँदै आएकाले यस पटक आफ्नो पक्षमा माहोल फर्केको केसीले बताए ।

‘शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, पूर्वाधार, पर्यटनको योजनाबद्ध विकासलाई मैले चुनावी एजेन्डामा राखेको छु । विगतमा आफ्नो विचारधाराका व्यक्तिहरूलाई लाभ हुने काम मात्रै पूर्वमाओवादीका नेताहरूले गर्नुभएको छ । जनताको सोझोपनलाई प्रभावित पारेर लाभ लिनुभयो, यस पटक माहोल त्यस्तो छैन,’ उनी भन्छन्, ‘जनचेतना धेरै आइसकेको छ । २०४८ र २०५१ का निर्वाचन कांग्रेसले जितेको हो । यस पटक ३२ वर्ष पछाडि हामी आफ्नो विरासत फर्काउँछौं ।’

रास्वपा उम्मेदवार शाही कांग्रेसभित्र पनि आन्तरिक द्वन्द्व रहेको र नेकपाभित्र आरोप/प्रत्यारोप चलिरहेको अवस्थामा त्यसको लाभ लिएर चुनाव जित्ने बताउँछन् । ‘जनता कुनै पार्टीका छैनन् । हिजो पुराना पार्टीलाई समर्थन गर्नेहरूको आज नयाँ पार्टीतिर झुकाव छ,’ शाहीले थपे, ‘यस पटक देशभरै नयाँ पार्टीको लहर फैलिएको छ ।’ रुकुम पश्चिममा आसन्न निर्वाचनका लागि १ लाख ६ हजार ६ सय ६० मतदाता छन् । यो संख्या अघिल्लो निर्वाचनभन्दा २ हजार ३ सय ८० ले बढी हो ।