The then largest party in the parliament, Congress, which was embroiled in a controversy over whether to hold the party's general convention elections ahead of time or after, has gradually become a prisoner of indecision on national issues following the Gen-G movement. The inability to emerge from the controversy has weakened the role of Congress on national issues.

President Sher Bahadur Deuba had given the responsibility of acting president to Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka from the central working committee meeting on Asoj 28 with a message to stay away from active politics.

Even though the party command has passed from the first generation to the second generation, the Congress is still not able to move forward on the path of rectification. Internal disputes have intensified in the days since then. Its role in national issues is shrinking.

Acting President Khadka is currently in a double bind within the party. The challenge is to organize and move forward the team that President Deuba has been leading to become the president from the upcoming general convention. At the same time, he is under pressure from their legitimate/illegitimate demands. Khadka, who moved forward with the aspiration of becoming the president by organizing the Deuba team, does not seem to be able to get out of the siege of former second-generation office bearers.

On the other hand, he has had to endure intense pressure from other parties in the establishment, including General Secretaries Gagan Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma, who are adamant that the party should not go to the elections without changing its policy and leadership. Khadka is accused of trying to create factionalism by calling a meeting of the faction that Deuba stopped calling after the 14th general convention. On the other hand, he has been constantly accused of working with the general secretaries from within. ‘Khadka, who has been a close witness since Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Girija Prasad Koirala ran the party, is not in a position to panic over the controversies that have emerged now,’ said a leader close to him. ‘Khadka is in a difficult position to choose between running the party at the same pace as yesterday or taking it forward as a transformative party.’

The main issue that has emerged in the Congress now is whether to hold the general convention before the elections or after. While the UML decided to hold the general convention on the same day after the meeting, the Congress has been embroiled in the controversy over the general convention for a month. According to a party official, the establishment party has agreed to bring the party's 15th general convention schedule only in April, citing the Falgun 21 elections. The establishment party is not in favor of holding the general convention before that under any circumstances. Other party leaders have understood that the establishment party leaders are trying to push the general convention after a year by citing the elections.

Questions have also been raised in the Central Working Committee over the responsibility of the general secretaries for not being able to hold the regular general convention in Mangsir. The statute has entrusted the main responsibility of distributing and renewing active membership to the general secretaries. That work has not been completed within four years. Now, the establishment party members are attacking the general secretaries over this. They argue that the delay was caused because party President Deuba, before the Gen-G movement, had sent a message not to hold the general convention until he became the Prime Minister as per the seven-point agreement reached with the UML. Although the statute provides for a one-year extension of the term, they understand that the developments after the Gen-G movement necessitate an immediate change in the party's policy and leadership. They have raised the issue of a general convention before the election, concluding that the current leadership and policy cannot restore trust in the Congress.

There is intense pressure on these two general secretaries from civil society, democratic-minded intellectuals, and the party's ranks to transform the party. They no longer see the facility to back down or move forward.

General Secretary Bishwaprakash Sharma says that a general convention should be held before the election anyway. According to him, if a regular general convention is not held, there is a compelling situation to call a special general convention.

54 percent of the general convention delegates have already submitted an application for a special general convention to the central office in Sanepa on Asoj 29, demanding a special general convention. The statute has made a compelling provision that a special general convention must be called within three months if a demand is made with the signatures of forty percent of the delegates.

The establishment party is arguing that a special general convention cannot be called based on the signatures of the expired general convention representatives. The term of office of all levels and bodies elected in the 14th general convention, including the central working committee, will end by the end of Mangsir. If a regular general convention is not held within Mangsir, the term of everyone, including the central working committee, will have to be extended. When the term is extended, not only the term of the central working committee but also the term of the general convention representatives will be extended. This will create an even more compelling situation to call a special general convention, says central member Pradeep Poudel. "The leaders and cadres of the general Congress have been insulted by arguing that the term of the central office bearers and members elected by the votes of the three general convention delegates will increase, and that the term of the delegates will expire," he said. "If the regular general convention is not held within Mangsir, a situation will arise that requires a special general convention. Failure to accept the legal system means allowing questions to be raised about the democratic character of the Congress."

The leaders of other parties are suspicious that the establishment party is trying to extend the general convention by one year by showing Baisakh.

"Looking at the situation so far, there is no change in the election being held in Falgun. Prime Minister Sushila Karki herself has indicated during informal talks that the election will be held in Baisakh if ​​not Falgun. No election has been held in Falgun in history so far. "There seems to be an intention to bring the schedule to Baisakh by showing the Falgun 21 election, and if the Falgun election is moved to Baisakh, then show the election again and extend it for another 6 months," said a leader from the other party. "The aim may be to create an environment where one of the seven former office bearers in the alliance can become a candidate by then."

The current dispute is not only due to the schedule of the general convention. It is also a power struggle between the second and third generations for the party leadership. The second-generation vice-president of the Congress, Khadka, has now taken over the command of the party. The seven main former office bearers who guide Khadka and are the main actors in the decision-making process, Prakashman Singh, Gopalman Shrestha, Bimalendra Nidhi, Krishna Prasad Sitaula, Vijay Kumar Gachhadar and Prakashsharan Mahat. These seven brothers are at the core of the establishment role within the Congress. Khadka has not been able to make a move due to the stance they have taken. Khadka is under caution if he tries to. They are worried that their political future will be at stake if the leadership passes from the second generation to the Gagan generation.

Leader Shekhar Koirala, who is in the second generation by age, has not yet gained experience in government. However, the seven former office bearers, except for Shashank in the party, have not joined the government. All the others are leaders who have gained experience as the main perpetrators of the party and the government by siding with Deuba or Koirala at times.

Establishment-side central member Nainsingh Mahar says that since all the office bearers are responsible for the current situation, they should not compete for executive roles in the next general convention. If this can be done, he argues that a radical change can be made at the party leadership level. 'If possible, a schedule should be drawn up to hold a regular general convention in Mangsir itself. However, the office bearers were unable to do whatever preparations were required to hold a regular general convention. The situation of a special general convention has been created today because they were unable to work,' Mahar said. 'That is why all the current office bearers must sit in a cooling period for one term.'

As the dispute within the party drags on, the risk of a split is also increasing. General Secretary Thapa reached the point of boycotting the Central Working Committee meeting on Thursday. The meeting was postponed until Sunday when he was indicating that he would not attend the Friday meeting if the regular general convention schedule was not agreed upon.

Sharma said that the meeting was postponed until Sunday in agreement between the acting president and the two general secretaries to maintain unity within the party. He said that the bottom line for the next general convention will be December 16-19. 'Let's discuss the four options that were put forward yesterday. Let's develop possibilities in that. Accordingly, we will discuss the matter in today's (Friday) meeting, discuss your perspective on it and the perspective of the ideological group you represent with the acting president, but no agreement could be reached today. We have postponed today's meeting by consensus to make a common agenda so that the general convention can be inaugurated on the Reconciliation Day on December 16, if possible,' Sharma said. 'We have also given membership to one lakh new generations across the country, and we have started a movement in every ward. We have also opened the door to a new statute. We have also opened the door for lateral entry and let us make one central member from each general convention to the next. If we do all these things and amend the statute, we can inaugurate the general convention on Poush 16.'

The activists demanding a special general convention have called a meeting of the available general convention representatives in Kathmandu. All available representatives residing in Kathmandu, including the three districts of the valley, have been invited to the meeting held on Sunday.

They are under pressure to call a special general convention if the regular general convention schedule is not brought by Mangsir or mid-Poush. Youth leader Gururaj Ghimire, who led the special general convention, said that there will be a discussion on what to do if the central working committee brings the regular general convention schedule by mid-Poush.

‘If it is not brought, we will analyze the situation of the meeting and decide on a roadmap on how to move forward,’ Ghimire said, ‘The meeting’s suggestion will move forward for a special general convention.’ He said that the establishment side did not want to hold the general convention, citing the election.