At present, all political parties, big and small, in Nepal are mired in their own internal conflicts. The UML, led by Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, who was ousted by the Gen-G movement, is engaged in internal management. It is clear that the party's active leaders are divided between Oli's supporters and opponents.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari, who left government facilities and jumped into active politics, is inciting cadres against the Oli leadership, while other leaders are in favor or against Oli. They have not been able to reach a decision. On the other hand, Oli has said on social media that no one else will speak after my address at the general convention. 

Maoist Center Coordinator Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' has joined hands with Madhav Nepal, a leader of the Communist Party of Nepal (Socialist), for party unification. Senior leader Jhalanath Khanal, who was opposed to such unification, was on the verge of joining the UML. However, after he did not agree with Chairman Oli, he stuck with Madhav Nepal's socialists.

Leader Khanal was not very keen on associating with Maoist Chairman Prachanda. However, after he did not agree with Oli, he stuck with the socialists. Ramkumari Jhankri, a leader considered to be a staunch supporter of the communist movement, is making final preparations to leave Madhavji and return to Oliji's shelter.

Although Prachanda has taken off the star-studded 'cap' worn by Maoist fighters and put on a socialist cap, he does not show any signs of wearing a socialist cap for many days. A few years ago, UML Chairman Oli had given him a UML cap. However, he did not wear that cap for many days. Even though he has now joined the socialists, the political environment does not seem favorable for him. If the news and social media are to be believed, he is the richest political leader in Nepal.

Many influential leaders of the party he leads, from Lekhraj Bhatta to CP Gajurel, have left him. Lekhraj Bhatta from the Far West was his charioteer. Bhatta even gifted Prachanda a pistol. Bhatta is currently the secretary of the UML. After Prachanda joined the socialists, many leaders and activists, including Janardan Sharma, Ram Karki, Sudan Kirati, and others, have expressed disagreement with Prachanda. They are not ready to join the Madhav-led socialists.

On the other hand, Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has made UML Chairman Oli the Prime Minister and positioned himself as the ‘waiting’ Prime Minister, has reached the edge of Nepali politics for now. According to the belief that ‘anything can happen’ in Nepali politics, he may become the Prime Minister once again. For now, such a possibility seems very slim. Nevertheless, this is Nepal, strange Kashmir, wonderful Nepal.

In the post-movement period, the communist parties have tried to hold themselves together in some way. However, the Congress is embroiled in a meaningless debate about ‘regular or special general convention’. Its self-proclaimed young leaders are planning to hold a special general convention to go to the polls and seize power.

They do not want to look at the possible consequences after the Gen-G movement. The Congress leaders have not wanted to understand or have not been able to understand the unnatural change of power that took place after the movement passed from the hands of the real 'Gen-G' to others. Dozens of Congress leaders believe that their 'clean' image has been preserved. However, their clean image does not seem to have been able to protect democratic values. Why did President Ram Chandra Poudel have to make Sushila Karki the Prime Minister? Even more so, why did he have to dissolve Parliament? Have influential Congress leaders ever thought about this?

There are not one but thousands of examples of the status of established and so-called big parties being reduced in elections held after such accidents. The late Pradeep Giri, a prominent thinker and analyst of Nepali politics, once told this columnist - 'The Congress is in a deep sleep. Its sleep has not yet awakened. Its situation is like the saying that a bull with its eyes cut open in Bhadau always sees green. Despite being repeatedly persecuted, the Congress party has been salivating for the sake of power. The Congress does not feel that the character of power should be changed. No matter who the Prime Minister is, there is nothing that can be changed from the current state machinery by simply coming to power.' 

The country is in a state of economic ruin. It is certainly not easy to hold elections when the only source of national income is foreign employment. The current ministers must be well aware of this truth. According to the data received, more than eight billion was spent in the previous elections. Economists have started estimating that about twelve billion will be spent in this election. The success of this election, which began as a result of an aggressive movement that the country could not tolerate, has been tried to raise hopes of ensuring the future of the country. However, there is no basis for that hope.

In a country where political culture and tradition are on the verge of extinction, it is difficult to restore them. However, the ministers who have been recruited to run the government are personalities who have earned a name in their field, have accumulated sufficient experience, and have been declared heroes by 'social media'. The only and only objective of this government, formed from such a combination of personalities, is to hold parliamentary elections on Falgun 21 of this year. The government should remain focused on that objective like a single-minded person. If the elections are not held within the six-month deadline set by the President, the country is sure to find itself in an even more dangerous situation. 

Talking about Nepal, in the early days of constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy in 2047, very serious allegations were made against political activists. How did those who used to walk on the streets wearing slippers before the movement become owners of houses, cars, land, and property overnight after the movement? The then Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala was blamed for all this. Prime Minister Koirala was accused of uplifting all the slippers and making them wear shoes from the 'Clark' company? Did Prime Minister Koirala really show such generous behavior? In the context of

, around 2032, Gundev Bhattarai, a professor of history at Tri-Chandra College, used to say – ‘During the Rana rule, there was no one who had goodwill towards the king. At that time, many people’s houses were confiscated, auctioned, and everything was confiscated. People who were always hungry suddenly came out on the streets. This happens to everyone in their time.’

In a fit of rage, when he could not give any freebies to his servants and loyal servants, King Mahendra deposed the country’s elected Prime Minister BP Koirala with the help of the army. In the following thirty years, how many large armies grew up eating the king’s grain? Who has the courage and strength to take stock of that?

BP Koirala had not seen the tears of the people until he became the Prime Minister in 2015. As a leader of Nepal, he had made an in-depth study of Nepali society. There is an ‘entry’ in his diary from 2008 to 2013, dated 7 Baisakh 2010. In it, BP wrote, ‘A very long procession, which turned into a meeting at one place. I addressed that huge public meeting. Even the weather could not disrupt the meeting. I was very happy to receive the support of the people. I told them – the next step of the Nepali Congress is to end the exploitation of landlords on the basis of land ownership.’

An important question to ask the group of progressive political leaders including UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who was the coordinator of the Maoists until yesterday, and Samajwadi leaders Madhav Kumar Nepal and Jhalanath Khanal is – what has changed in the condition of farmers since Nepal was transformed into a federal republic? How different is it from then, i.e. in 2010, and now? Have any unnatural changes been seen in the Tharu community of Nepal?

Leaders say, we have made progress. What is that progress? Is that just an illusion?

Let's not tell anyone this - before 2046, the status of those who did not have the status to wear slippers was created by the government. How many were there in society who created their own status? There is no need to count it. The one who is oppressive, even today, has the same rule over knowledge and education. Why is there a special class in this new era? The monarchy is gone, but the rule of those who had the rule in the monarchy has not gone. The rule of the 'special' class has not ended. When about one hundred thousand Nepalis are living a comfortable life in the capital city of the country, why are millions of Nepalis forced to breathe in the deserts of Qatar and Kuwait outside the country? There are many questions. 

There is no doubt about it - the Gen-G rebellion against widespread economic corruption in the government has brought an unusual kind of turmoil to Nepal's politics. The new generation's rebellion was to create an environment of social justice and economic equality in the country. Since the change in 2046, the parents of the generation now called 'Gen-G' had a 'dream' of peace, order, and economic prosperity accelerating in the country. However, their 'dream' remained limited to dreams. After the country entered the federal republic, the hope of the country taking a big leap was awakened in the minds of the people.

In contrast, economic development indices began to fade. However, it was seen that anarchic elements suddenly became active to fulfill their own interests, using this as a reason. Sociologists have now experienced that the class that has been maintaining its monopoly on the glory and governance of the country for a long time has helped and worked hard to suppress this rebellion. It is certainly not just a rumor that the large and small internal power centers active inside and outside the country have received support and encouragement from foreign power centers for this.