Before 23 Bhadra, many friends who had gone abroad were constantly separated due to the disappointment that there was no way to improve the country's disorder. Many were struggling to support their families even after getting a job. I, on the other hand, was fighting for socio-economic justice from my own area.

On 19 Bhadra, the government decided to ban social media. In other words, it presented another proof that the government is autocratic and has no concern for the people. This unwise decision became the first step in turning our discontent into anger. It is a well-known fact that the permanent heads of the government, who cannot even pronounce ‘VPN’, do not have the ability to ban social media.

The government’s decision ignited the ‘Nepo Baby Trend’ on social media like a fire. Awareness of economic inequality that took years to develop became possible in a few hours. More than anyone’s call, the awareness of economic, social and political injustice brought by this ‘trend’ prepared the masses to take to the streets for the movement on 23 Bhadra. We all participated physically or emotionally in the movement that was expected to be peaceful.

Due to the incompetence and brutal repression of the then government, there was human loss on 23 Bhadra. But its arrogance served as gasoline for the destruction of 24 Bhadra. The ‘Gen-G Movement’ turned into a Gen-G-led people’s movement. The human toll suffered by the people can never be compared to the physical damage. How can our slain fellow travelers be compared to the buildings left behind by feudalism? The gates of those buildings are still closed to the common citizen.

The 23 Bhadau movement was not led by any one person or party or organization, but by the call of an age group (born between 1997 and 2012). This was the very first movement organized by a specific age group in Nepal. The KP Sharma Oli government suppressed the movement. The people's movement, which emerged as an outcry against the corrupt, immoral and insensitive government and its leadership, took an unimaginable form and reduced all four organs of democracy to ashes by the evening of 24 Bhadau.

The movement against corruption, misgovernance, lack of accountability, partisanship in public institutions and impunity that have institutionalized social and economic injustice, does not have a single leadership. It has various characters. On the 23rd, when his fellow protestors were killed and on the 24th, the smoke from the Parliament building, Singha Durbar, and the Supreme Court was still rising in the sky, there was no discussion about whether to hold talks with the army or go with their demands. No one was even thinking about who would go for talks.

On 25 Bhadra, the Nepali Army told the Gen-G protesters, "Send only one leader." It is not surprising that the officials of the organization operating in the 'chain of command' asked for the name of only one leader, but that demand led to the Gen-G-led movement for social and economic justice against corruption being defeated.

By 25 Bhadra, Sudhan Gurung's name was heard everywhere as the leader of the Gen-G movement. Why the army itself, which had asked for the name of a leader, put forward Sudhan Gurung, is beyond speculation. If the army had understood the nature and reality of this movement and asked some representatives to come with common demands instead of a leader, would the situation have been different? – This is also just a guess.

It is so clear that by the time those involved in the talks reached the negotiating table, they had strongly raised the demand for the dissolution of parliament and the formation of an interim government under the leadership of Sushila Karki rather than socio-economic justice, an end to corruption-misgovernance, and transparency. Whose demands are these, where did they come from? Was a leader really chosen through the voting of ‘Discord’ or are there others who are capable of leading? – This can also only be guessed.

In the midst of this confusion, I came to connect with four women and people with diverse gender identities. We, who were involved in the movement in our own ways, started preparing a ‘roadmap’ for the interim government by collecting the demands of various Gen-G groups. In the meantime, we received the news of Sushila Karki's swearing-in and sent her a congratulatory email with a 'roadmap' and a proposed leadership evaluation criteria for selecting the members of the interim cabinet in a transparent manner.

On 28 Bhadra, we accidentally learned that some Gen-G groups had been invited to the Prime Minister's residence. We also registered our names and reached the Prime Minister's residence. There, we presented the point-by-point demands we had collected. The atmosphere there was strange. It is unlikely that the meeting room in the Prime Minister's Office had ever seen such an atmosphere - a woman in the Prime Minister's chair and surrounded by young people, mostly men. Responding to our point-by-point demands, a young man said in a very dramatic style, 'Prostrate yourself, mother, we have completely surrendered the country to mother, our mother is capable, we know how to do it, we don't need to teach, our work is done. Now let's let mother run the country.'

We could not be united. We felt that in addition to supporting and supporting the head of government, we should also provide guidance and caution in line with the demands and essence of the movement. We also felt that the country's first female Prime Minister should be addressed with a proper title. The Prime Minister's verbal assurance did not satisfy us. We could not agree with the old way of doing things, which was to select and invite only a few people with access.