The longing for advanced democracy has not died. When the elected government in a democracy subordinates the state to itself, then no matter how much criticism is given to that government, the same characters and tendencies keep repeating themselves on the revolving stage. A kind of inertia takes on a permanent feel. And when the fact that attention, light pressure, and small movements are meaningless becomes clear, anger erupts. When the parliament starts to look cold, the streets heat up.

There was a government with a very favorable number in the parliament, but general boredom and extreme despair created a ruckus on the streets. This was a tremor against the inertia of the young people, the aftershocks of which are still being felt.

The collapse of the elected government and the formation of a government outside the parliament facilitated by the army does not in itself define democracy. The opposition of the young people was towards the then government, but how did they come to attack the House of Representatives, the representative institution of Nepali sovereignty, without any prior plan? Why did they not hesitate to go to the army headquarters for facilitation in the aftermath? History will continue to question those who led the Gen-G tremor for a long time.

At present, the challenge of continuing the ongoing democratic process between national needs and international constraints and bringing it to a logical conclusion is very difficult, but it is the only way out. The initiation of a broader political dialogue by the President can be considered a commendable initiative to reduce the risk of anti-democracy.

The adage that ‘prevention is better than cure’ applies to the political sphere as well. The ‘space’ of parties within the circle of multi-party democracy is determined by political activism. Nepalis, who have been struggling for seven decades to build a prosperous society with democracy, pluralism, rule of law, civil rights, and an open and competitive economy, cannot and will not support further acts of anarchy under any pretext. 

Currently, there is a situation of erosion in the legal monopoly of state power. There is a government, but politics and society are fluid. Trust is not being built between the government and the common citizen. The cabinet that has suddenly appeared is not being able to maintain rhythm and momentum. Where should its Arjuna vision go? It is not being able to find out. Who is running the government? Those in the government are not being able to express it.

After the Gen-G tremor, the morale of the state organs has not been boosted. Many doubts and fears are taking shape. In such a situation, elements not recognized by the constitution have been aroused. It is not as easy as balancing the issues of taking the parties of the dissolved House of Representatives into confidence and convincing Gen-G leaders of various shapes and colors to come to power by the current government.

In Nepal, which has adopted a liberal political system through repeated democratic movements, the government's control-oriented political practice has come to be inspired by 'rule by law' rather than 'rule of law'. And, public opposition or resistance to this is natural. This government has been carrying the fate of facing occasional storms in its womb.

A new group of beneficiaries has emerged. Various selfish forces have started to stir up trouble by linking their hands with the Gen-G movement. The criminal mood that has been growing in politics cannot be depicted by showing only a few incidents that have come to the surface recently. Those who run parallel governments in remote villages are excited by showing new and old photos with cabinet members. It is inevitable to identify such remnants of violence to build a fear-free society.

The Gen-G movement was the result of a spontaneous explosion. There is no organizational structure or form of control in sight. While the Gen-G leaders remain silent on this aspect, new groups are not refraining from committing violent acts. Saboteurs who behave like organized criminals but chant political slogans are eager to use their hands and feet in this vacant period.

With the formation of the Sushila Karki government, violence in Kathmandu was largely controlled, but the psychology of insecurity that had spread to the organs of the state did not decrease. Those who said that a kind of controlled instability remains in Nepal are now beginning to interpret a period of uncontrolled instability as having begun.

The Karki-led government has four faces. Who to believe? There is no consensus among their own circles on what it means to form a government in the new political chapter created by the Gen-G movement. Although the word ‘Gen-G’ sounds catchy and attractive, it does not mean a grand alliance of any particular group or groups. This is a search for a fresh start within Nepali democracy. The vibration of the new generation is not just looking for a change of face in any particular government or party. It is an intervention against each of those old people who keep confusing the status quo. The echo of this vibration should be heard in both the state and society. 

Such an interpretation dimensions the democratic dynamics. However, interpreting it as just a group is political dishonesty and a misleading interpretation of vibration. The Earth's tectonic plates are divided into several tectonic plates, then friction releases energy. Similarly, the vibration generated by the friction between the progressives and the old people, Gen-G. Therefore, this is vibration.

The transition period after the vibration will certainly be challenging. The demand for the restoration of parliament may be legal, but the common people are seeking a fresh mandate. Although the resolution to restore parliament seems to be constitutional, it appears to be a stumbling block to the democratic deadlock. Only politics that gains the legitimacy of the people is sustainable.

To save the country from the pain of the pandemic, instead of spending time hoping for strong unity and cooperation between the Gen-G forces, a political atmosphere should be created by creating a dense dialogue between those who want to save democracy in the country. Sushila Karki has some strengths - but also some shortcomings, one of which is her lack of ability to create an atmosphere for broad political dialogue. However, she can stop her government from doing such things, which can disrupt the atmosphere of the election. 

What Gen-Gs need to understand is that creating a just society is a much more complex task than destroying the tyranny of certain parties. The young people who burst crackers and light lamps after an elected government falls will not reach the conclusion that ‘everything is back to normal now’. If this pattern continues, we will have to endure an unelected government for a long time. No matter how good the unelected ones do, they cannot be an alternative to an elected government.

The fear of a progressive democratic republic, the independence, integrity and supremacy of the nation being undermined is greater in the unelected period. That is why there is an obligation to rush for general elections with caution and restraint. Ultimately, the effectiveness of all kinds of extremism must be sought in the politics of party competition and party culture. Therefore, no matter how attractive or unattractive the faces of the current government may seem, democracy cannot be institutionalized without going towards elections by putting pressure on them.

The country cannot be freed from the tragedy of anarchy or militarization until we start saying and doing ‘the source of power is the people and it comes out of the ballot box.’

The people who have taken the Gen-G vibration to Singha Durbar cannot forget their core responsibilities. This government was not formed to make anyone a hero or glorify those who write the scripts behind the scenes. Establishing the supremacy and prominence of the people is the main task. The message that concrete work is being done in that direction has not been conveyed. Sushila Karki's leadership must be aware that the legitimacy of the government formed in this way cannot last for a long time. 

There is no need to doubt the entire UML party. However, Khadga Prasad Oli is pushing the country towards extreme polarization rather than answering the accusations leveled against him. This Khadga Prasad, who has become obsessed with power, has little concern for the constraints of democracy. An election process without a guarantee that parties will go to the polls cannot be accepted. The future of the election lies in the vocal role of honest UML people in untying this knot between the process and the result.

The fear that Khadga Prasad's activities may overshadow the election process cannot be called unfounded. After the resignation of Sher Bahadur Deuba, the Oli leadership's 'extreme intimacy' towards the UML may no longer be seen. The demand for the restoration of parliament will slow down the pressure to hold elections.

If the leaders of the so-called big parties are still responsible and strive to establish a democracy where the people are supreme and a sustainable political dialogue, they should not be so afraid of the immediate impasse. However, if the big parties that have received the benefit of the doubt from the people do not improve, their outcome will be no different from that of Gyanendra Shah and his henchmen.

The method and process of the election that can lead to a national consensus for a fresh mandate lies in the method and process of the election. Everyone must agree that everyone should accept the election held according to the method and process. Although ‘election’ may seem like the main issue on the surface, the main concern is a state of fearlessness. What kind of election? Who will make the rules of the game? Who will be the referee? How to make the independence and impartiality of the Election Commission credible? Only then can genuine political competition begin.