Retirement from politics: voluntary, or forced

Deuba has also given an indirect message to contemporary leaders who are unable to give up their greed for power even though the political leadership of the older generation has been completely rejected by society.

आश्विन ३०, २०८२

सम्पादकीय

Retirement from politics: voluntary, or forced

What you should know

Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, who was injured and his residence was burned by protesters on Bhadra 24, appeared calmly at the Central Working Committee meeting on Tuesday. Realizing that the relevance of his political activism had ended, he gave a statement of resignation from the executive role. Although his withdrawal from the upcoming general convention was mandatory, he respected the essence of the Gen-G movement beforehand.

 Deuba, who has spent six decades in politics and has been at the center of politics for the last three decades as a controversial and criticized figure, tried to make the last period of active politics exemplary, albeit in a small way.

Deuba has also given an indirect message to contemporary leaders who are unable to give up their greed for office even though the political leadership of the older generation has been completely rejected by society. If the leadership of other parties takes the steps taken by the president of the largest party in the dissolved House of Representatives as a positive lesson, it can be believed that Nepali politics will be revitalized to a large extent.

Deuba, who has been active in politics since the age of 17, became the central president of the Nepali Sangh at the age of 25. In his 62-year-long politics, he had been the party president for 10 years and the prime minister five times. Deuba, who became the home minister in 2048 BS and became the prime minister for the first time in 2052 BS, has always been around power for the last three decades. He had a unique political image of always being a contender for the prime minister.

If the Gen-G rebellion had not changed the political landscape of the country, he would have been on the verge of becoming Prime Minister again in 2083. However, there are many leaders of the Deuba trend in Nepali politics. For example, KP Sharma Oli, who became Home Minister in 2051 and Prime Minister in 2072, became Prime Minister four times.

He has been the party chairman continuously since 2071. Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who became Prime Minister for the first time in 2065, has also become Prime Minister three times. He has been the party chairman since 2046. Deuba, Oli and Dahal have been taking turns in the Prime Minister's chair. All the governments formed after the promulgation of the constitution were led by one of them. This cycle was broken only after the ninth government was formed under the leadership of Sushila Karki after the Gen-G movement.

Not only the old but also the new political party leadership has not been able to establish a significant moral character. For example, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) President Ravi Lamichhane is involved in cooperative fraud. Even while he is in prison, he has not been able to leave the party leadership. There have been many upheavals within the party, but this party, formed in 2079, has not been able to hold a general convention. It has not been able to realize the need for it.

As a result, the party, which came with great enthusiasm, has not been able to establish moral standards in politics. Madhav Kumar Nepal was the general secretary (party leadership) of UML from 2050 to 2064. He has been the chairman of CPN-S since 2078. He is also facing corruption cases. But he has not left the party leadership. There are many leaders in the party who have been in the leadership for a long time. CP Mainali of CPN-ML, Mohan Bikram Singh of CPN-Masal, Chitra Bahadur KC of Rajmo, and Narayanman Bijukchhe of NEMKIPA are also among the leaders who have been party chiefs for a long time. Despite being in the leadership of the party for decades, they have not made any move to leave their posts.

The debate has become strong that the leadership of the three main political forces of Nepal, the Congress, the UML, and the Maoist Center should be changed. That is also the message given by the Gen-G movement. But the leadership of UML and Maoist Center has not been able to realize that its political relevance has ended the way Deuba has. Oli is trying to corrupt the movement and establish the legitimacy of his leadership.

He has not been able to understand the message of the movement that took place a month ago during the government under his leadership, let alone express any sorrow after that. Instead, he has made it clear that he will continue his strong hold on the party and move forward under his own leadership. Maoist Center Chairman Dahal is trying to open up to the Gen-G movement. But he has not been able to realize that the movement is also an anger towards him and his style of work. He also seems to be planning not to give up the leadership. But now Oli or Dahal should not delay in realizing that their relevance has ended.

Age could not be a topic of debate in politics, if the leadership of an elderly leader was the only exception. If an elderly leader also carried a people-oriented agenda in a way that attracted the new generation, then there would be no question about leadership. But in Nepal, almost all parties have elderly leaders at their leadership. They have not been able to create any attraction towards politics. Society is not convinced that the country will get qualitative benefits from them.

It is not because they are a magical personality that they are able to lead the party, but because they have been able to capture the party through politics based on factionalism and corruption. It is because of their tricks. Therefore, the argument of ‘not an edge, but an agenda’ cannot be adapted to Nepali politics. Because, it has become clear that those with an ‘edge’ do not have an ‘agenda’. Therefore, it is overdue to establish a system of retirement after a certain age in politics.

It would be better for leaders to understand that their relevance and relevance have ended and start the practice of retiring. If a system of engaging in politics according to one’s qualifications and capabilities and returning to personal life after contributing accordingly is developed, politics will not turn into a system of exploitation. Politics will not be as murky and opaque as it is now. But Nepal’s politics has turned into such a quagmire that those who enter here once remain stuck here. The retirement system helps to transform a swamp into a continuously flowing river.

Second, parties can specify the conditions for exit in their respective statutes. Deuba has said that he will not be in the running for president at the 15th general convention due to the provision that one cannot be president more than twice.

UML had also started the practice of two terms and an age limit of 70 years. But Oli has removed it with the aim of becoming president for the third time. But for the emergence of new leadership in the party, parties need to keep and follow various retirement measures in their statutes. In cases where it is voluntary and not mandatory by the statute, a provision for retirement can be made in the constitution and law as a third option.

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