"When there is too much awakening of the youth in any society and the youth do not get a meaningful role, that society turns into a breeding ground for violence, resistance and war." This statement of the German sociologist Gunnar Heinson, the originator of the theory of youth uplift, is becoming relevant day by day in the case of Nepal as well as Asian countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Iraq.

The National Youth Policy of Nepal, 2072 also considers the youth as an invaluable asset of the nation and considers them to be the precursors and driving forces of political, economic, social and cultural transformation.

However, in the context of Nepal, there seems to be a stark difference between the youth policy in writing, considering the youth as the driving force of social and cultural transformation, and the reality of the state's treatment of the youth. There are examples of many developed countries in the world such as Japan, America, and Britain, recognizing the youth growth and demographic benefits at the right time and including them in the mainstream of nation building to improve the overall situation of the country. 

Even in Nepal, demographers and other social scientists have been stressing that the maximum presence of Nepalese youth, which is a demographic advantage in the current situation, should be made a blueprint for the country's development by bringing qualitative returns. This article focuses on the question of why Nepal is not able to connect the youth development with the main flow of the country's development by meditating on the experience of other countries, even though it has been warned many times. 

Ignoring demographic benefits

Nepali context From 2078 to 2108, population and social scientists had predicted that youth would have the highest presence in the total population of Nepal. Even in the world environment, the Asian country Japan was able to use the demographic advantage it got from 1950 to 1980 for the purpose of nation building.

In addition, America benefited from the demographic gain from 1940 to 1970, while Britain also benefited greatly from the demographic gain from the mid-nineteenth century to the second decade of the twentieth century. However, like many backward countries in the world that ignore the evidence from scientific research, the Nepali government was also taking the youth anger growing up in the country for granted. 

For the past two to three decades, it is well known that the trend of youth migration to countries like South Korea and the Gulf countries and educational destinations like Europe, America and Australia has been qualitatively increasing. On the one hand, there are as many young people in the Gulf, there are only old people in the villages, and there are no young people who go to Malami, but the leaders kept crying crocodile tears as if they were worried about the country.

On the other hand, the leadership line was thinking that the increasing rise of youth in Nepal's population would be solved by Korea's EPS, labor agreement with the Gulf countries, enrollment in the Russian army and entry opportunities given by other developed countries in the name of education. Even though the figures of about five lakh young people enter the labor market every year and only one lakh of them get employment, both the state and the government were unaware of how to address the aspirations of the remaining four lakh youth annually. 

When the presence of young people in the total population is mathematically higher in any country during the demographic gain, the promoters of the youth upsurge theory have been predicting that if the expectations of the young people are not met, the angers can be integrated and explode. In this regard, after continuously ignoring the expectations and anger of the young people in the country, Nepal has to face the explosive situation of youth aspirations in the form of the Gen-G movement, even though there is resistance to the idea that the oligarchy can be run forever on the basis of remittances sent by them. 

Social media and product culture 

In the context of Nepal, it was well known that there is a big gap between the primitive manuwa who is leading the political circle and the new generation who are growing up with new technology. Only pioneers and advocates of progressivism can reasonably contemplate the interrelationships between science, technology, and human emotion.

In the current situation, many young startups are making a lot of money by selling consumer goods and connecting with customers through social media. The fact that the political leadership of the typewriter generation could not think about the new social realities emerging in the field of business and financial transactions in the society is as bright as the sun.

One of the many leaders of the Gen-G movement complained that the government shut down social media on the eve of Dasain and blocked the way to earn even if they had two or four pennies.

Although staying in Nepal, many content creators have ignored the whining about the economic dimensions of bringing in foreign currency, the generation of typewriters who are running a contract system under the guise of black money piled up in bunkers. It is certain that they did not think that the classical nationalist stance like that should be listed even when foreign companies are paying taxes for Nepal, will offend the youth's strategy. 

By raising their voice against the corruption and injustice that the country is experiencing on the basis of social media, the youths are also raising their voice for system change.

The Nepali state power was not burned by the burning body of Prem Acharya, nor was it shocked by the suicide of another young man who could not study 10 Jod 2 due to the lack of a few thousand money. These are only some representative cases, there is no account of the citizens who are forced to commit suicide due to medical debt due to being pushed from relative poverty to absolute poverty due to being unable to afford expensive health care. 

If the pain and disdain of centuries of exclusion had been channeled into the timeless leadership line that during the youth demographic boom, the voice against the ban on social media would have spread like a trickle and exploded, the state's public wealth would never have suffered the extent it does today. Nepal has experienced a vivid example of how the chariot that carries the vehicle gets old, but the horses that pull the chariot are energetic of the new generation, so there is no balance between the strength of the horse and the condition of the chariot.

In a changing environment, new technology leads to the creation of a new economic and political foundation in society. As the economic base of the society is changing and new enterprise culture is also being created, those who claim to rule the country must have pondered after this explosion that the idea of ​​prohibiting the possibilities brought by the international new media with the classical nationalist approach will ultimately be counterproductive for progress. 

Youth self-employment centers and social exclusion 

According to the figures mentioned in the National Youth Policy, there are about 40 percent of the youth population in Nepal between the ages of 16 and 40. The National Youth Policy 2072 has expressed the intention to solve the problems related to youth in the context of taking the demographic dividend.

Lack of quality and timely employment education, low access to professional skills and technology, unemployment and semi-unemployment, youth migration, poor health, nutrition and morale, lack of youth-friendly investment and environment, gender, regional and ethnic inequality and the negative effects brought by globalization and liberalization seem to be mentioned in the national youth policy as common problems and challenges of Nepali youth.

On the one hand, mentioning the problems on paper and on the other hand, not having a concrete initiative for the strategic and operational solution of the problems is a shabby gap that appears between knowledge and behavior in a less developed country like Nepal. 

Although Nepal has been aware of the problems existing in its country for a long time, it was standing in the list of weak countries that could not find a solution. However, the concept of youth self-employment in Nepal is officially When it started in 2065 on the initiative of Finance Minister Baburam Bhattarai, the target was to create 50,000 jobs annually.

Showing the lack of staff and other mechanisms, the youth self-employment center has been supporting 10,000 to 12,000 youth annually since 2072, with a minimum of 50,000 to a maximum of 200,000.

So far, the youth self-employment program has invested nearly 14 billion through self-employment loans to 190,000 people, but mathematically, this number could not meet the expectations of young people entering the market annually, nor was this amount sufficient by itself. With the expectation of four to five million young people increasing annually, this concept was not able to address the youth boom that is emerging during the demographic boom. 

This program, which was once under the Ministry of Finance, was later moved to the Ministry of Poverty Alleviation and Urban Affairs, due to political interference, support for workers, and the tendency to invest in the enterprises run by the leaders themselves, the pain and anger of general exclusion among the youth who were not politically accessible was more. Even in the government programs aimed at the youth, as the issues such as good governance and transparency were being manipulated, the feeling of deprivation was increasing among the youth, and they felt that the state system was not able to address them anywhere. 

When the young generation growing up in exclusion and disdainful mentality starts to stir up agitation and anger in the society under any pretext, it is also one thing that the government, public property and power are considered to be the same character in the eyes of the youth. Therefore, if we continue to ignore the rise and anger of the youth who are growing due to demographic advantage, it cannot be said that it will not lead to another accident in the near future.

bureaucratism and depoliticization 

After the change of 2046, Maoists emerged in 2051 by politicizing the sentiments of the common people who were used to the political democracy of parties like Congress and UML. The X, Y and Gen-G generations, including the Wavey Womers, were witnessing the ideological, cultural and moral eruption of even the Maoists who would change the country in any case and would not hesitate to die and kill for it.

In the meantime, by analyzing parties like Congress, UML and Maoists as parties of the same character in essence and form, new parties like RSVP emerged by integrating the movement of independent candidates. During the period of almost three years, the person-centered politics of the RSVP, the political immaturity of the child parliamentarians who did not miss the best aspiration to become viral even while sitting in a responsible position as a federal parliamentarian, were helping to increase the anger of the youth. 

Even the party that emerged with the slogan of 'No Not Again' to the old party with the presence of the young generation was not able to develop an ideology that could identify itself as a party of leaders who speak only to increase likes and views for public consumption rather than a party with a political character that carries the issue of the youth.

Instead of addressing the public welfare expectations of new citizens who are growing up as young people by interviewing new technicians, the undeclared working unity of the country's main four parties was going on to keep the empire of loot in the country by trapping the youth in the heat of the Gulf. 

Even the new parties in the opposition were one foot in the opposition while the other foot was preparing to climb the ladder of power at any time.

In this situation, the 'politics of normalization', i.e. the politics of considering any situation as ordinary and ordinary, was so dominant that even though the corpses of Nepali citizens were arriving in daily boxes from the labor market of the Gulf in a significant number every day, the pain inside the corpses could not make a dent in the chest of those who said they would rule the country.

The plight of public transport to the roads, the lack of universal and accessible access to education and health in the country, the black market of daily consumer goods and corruption in the civil administration system were made normal. 

Coalition government under the guise of black money hidden in bunkers, the 'superficial rhetoric' of the stable government, i.e. superficial slogans every day, was continuously ignoring the growing youth anger in the society. Like ordinary citizens who could not realize equitable access to state resources and were in the grip of general exclusion, the Gen-G youth generation was closely appraised of the overall ills.

On the surface, spreading the spirit of democracy, but on the inside, from making candidates for elections to ambassadors and constitutional appointments, the bunker system, supported by black money piled up in bunkers, was pushing the young generation who wanted change into the swamp of unpleasant exclusion. In the extreme situation where political parties are depoliticizing social issues and ignoring everyday problems, the changing thoughts of the youth have collided and created a new situation.  To break the story, the old party promised to be true even when independent candidates raised their voices against the party a few years ago. Meanwhile, there was no qualitative change in the established parties. On the contrary, even the new party took the old party and leadership as ideals and became happy in the power equation. Therefore, in the complex situation created by today's times as a result of the youth upliftment, the main four parties of the country have come to a dilemma whether they are right or wrong.