One was Shivu Soren. He had become a living legend in tribal politics. It was a common practice in the then Indian state of Bihar for Mahajans to take over the lands of tribals, turn them into cultivators and encumber them with compound interest. The geography of which is now Jharkhand province, it has been twenty-five years since this province was formed.

Shivu Soren started the 'Paddy Harvest Movement' in the 1970s against such oppression and discrimination prevalent at the ground level. He gave a slogan - 'Whosoever plants paddy, he reaps paddy.' It is said that Soren's biography is the story of Jharkhand's soul and struggle. He passed away on the 4th of August.

Shivu Soren's son Hemant Soren has mentioned an episode about his father. As a child, his father was asked why everyone kept calling you Dishom Guru. He replied - 'Because I remembered the suffering of the tribals and made their fight my fight.'

Later Jharkhand state was carved out of Bihar, which was Shivu Soren's dream. But he never considered power an achievement. Shivu had said – 'Yeh Rajya Mere Liye Kursi Nahi, Yeh Mere Lokang ki Pesih Hai.' Shivu Soren's political journey did not follow a simple line even when Jharkhand became a state. Even after that, he had to bear many accusations, insults and insults. But the tribal community continued to consider Shivu Soren as their soulful voice till the end. This was Shivu Soren's strength. 

Talking about our context, the leaders associated with the Madhesi movement did a lot of homework to learn the grammar of parliamentary politics by placing the politics of struggle in the post-constitutional period. Accepting the conditions of the dominant power group in order to gain entry into the mysterious world of power. But in the 'space' that Madhesh should have, more and more tags were added.

Nepali Congress, UML and Maoists are the three main political parties that have been in the government alternately, so they are reluctant to build an inclusive state. According to the preamble of our constitution, our democracy is dedicated to us Nepalis, by us Nepalis, to us. But after a decade of practice, this constitution is dedicated to these three parties, by these three parties, for the benefit of these three parties.

The rise of Madhesi power during the first Constituent Assembly was a salutary verdict against a negative tone in Nepali politics. After that, the constant waning of Madhesi power is a tragedy of Nepali politics, which the so-called mainstream always ignored. It is important to understand the political and social journey of Madhesh, which has the element of struggle, because this journey has been entangled in the circles of the dominant groups of Nepal, their strategies and countermeasures. Hence, Madhesh politics is a peculiar saga of grass roots, strong determination and struggle for identity.

Despite all its limitations, Madhesh politics germinated as an 'unpleasant question' for the dominant power. Instead of supporting the Madhesh issue, the mainstream continued to vilify it. Despite this, the united Madheshi Shakti gave a political voice to Nepal's deprived consciousness.

This is the reason, some leader or party of Madhesh definitely came to power but that character remained as an uncomfortable chair next to him. Even if someone sat on the chair of Deputy Prime Minister, Minister or Chief Minister, the dominant group did not allow him to remain in peace. The Madhesi leader who considered the power to be permanent had to suffer a lot of humiliation in the course of time. It is an empirical truth of Madhesh politics - power is a temporary stop for them.

Right now, the forces that have the dream of creating an egalitarian society in Nepal by making Madhesh their main base have formed the 'United Democratic Front'. They are publishing a common opinion on contemporary issues. After the public dialogue in Kathmandu, now Madhesh is planning to fall. The background, identity and commitment of all leaders in Madhesh politics are not the same. Some members of the front are in power, some are outside.

But there is a basic similarity in everyone's understanding, that is, the power is using us. The power is making us baseless in our base land.' In this light, it has to be said that the important message in the story of Madhesh politics is not in its success, but where it failed, it should be learned from there. The goal of Madhesh politics should be clear - for the future of Madhesh, it should rise above personal ambitions and short-term political gains.

No one should be shocked or panic after seeing the formation of this front. Madhesh has always nurtured centrist politics. Armed struggle and separatism are not the choice of Amadhesi people. This is basically the objective of the Morcha to make effective the federalism and inclusiveness embraced by the constitution, to give the right meaning to good governance and prosperity. Front building speed and travel is slow. But the front is slowly catching up. The tendency to not accept each other's existence, to criticize and criticize each other, to stay away from mutual communication is ending. Even though the act of staying in one place and discussing the problems of Nepali democracy, having a common opinion on it seems small, this small step makes a leap in Madhesh politics.

In the years after the constitution, these front-affiliated parties failed to communicate with the people. Going door to door to ask for votes during the election, doing many programs for the expansion of the party is not mass communication in the real sense. This time when the Morcha comes to Madhesh with a public awakening, it gets to listen to the people of the land. There will be multifaceted matters. They get to know the current Madhesh's swagger and ukusamukus. The initiative to go like this is happening after a long gap, that's why curiosity is prevalent at the ground level. It is true that the parties or leaders belonging to the Front should remember that the people are their strength. Shivu Soren never disturbed his closeness with the people.

Madhesh is crying, closed fist is to lakh ki, khul gayi to khak ki. Some of the parties or leaders in the front may still think - 'I am the Madhesh.' Some of the new and old parties can be torn by this delusion even if they are in Chepuwa. If Morcha remains active, it has the same effect as a closed fist. The basis that the people of Madhesh believe in is the mutual solidarity of the regional powers here.

Therefore, the work of bringing down Madhesh should not be limited to political propaganda. No one wants to listen to the self-congratulatory speeches of leaders. Just two things - we're together now, we've really come to hear you. If Morcha Madhesh moves in this spirit, their credit can be restored. Communicating with the people is not easy, it requires courage and patience in the leaders. The top leadership of the Morcha must stay together on the Madhesh Yatra, along with leaders from other levels and sections.

He who sows paddy in July reaps paddy in November. If it falls flat from Kathmandu in July, the mood of general meeting can be created from November. Madhesh is currently becoming a playground for anti-federalism, anti-republican, anti-social harmony. In this case, a strong public dialogue is expected in Madhesh with slogans of strong federalism and real inclusion. If the same leaders walk everywhere giving speeches, if the platform does not look inclusive, this effort will not work. Top leaders, by demonstrating their solidarity, can give opportunities to leaders at other levels and levels for public dialogue.