Bartol Brecht (1898-1956), the German poet, dramatist and dramatist who encouraged us to sing about dark times in dark times, brilliantly exposes the challenges of the opposite situation through irony and contradiction.

Almost his age, Russian poet, dramatist and dramatist Vladimir V. Mayakovsky (1893-1930), fed up with life's anomalies, committed suicide at a relatively young age. Sharma Oli's speech is certainly interesting. But it is not appropriate to form an opinion without knowing his background. He was born in a Bahun family. Most brahmins have an inherent character of not respecting anyone other than their mother, father, guru and patron. Although his initial education was done in a traditional manner, he was initiated into Jhapali Naxal panth and joined politics . Like Marxism, Leninism and Maoism, linguistic etiquette is a bourgeois concept in Jhapali Naxalism. Workers, peasants and proletariat communicate in straightforward, informal language. The notions of bourgeois dignity cannot penetrate the public behavior of fierce communists . 

Sharma Oli had to spend the most productive years of his life in the company of the dreaded criminals in the jail because he was involved in the 'class enemy cleansing campaign' of Jhapali Naxalism. It is called school of hard knocks for the education obtained from negative and painful experiences of life. Now he has become a neo-elite and prefers to display an aristocratic style in behavior. His public insistence that media workers should use respectful words and distinguish between 'Tan, tu, tuh, sir' may have arisen from a deep sense of insecurity and a lack of self-esteem experienced for a long time . Since Sharma Oli had to suffer for a long time the treatment of prisoners by the police, watchmen and prison staff in the prisons still run in Rana era rituals, he seems to be very hungry for a respectful address. But despite the difficult background and uncomfortable experience, Prime Minister Sharma Oli's self-preservation instinct and self-promotion instinct are so sharp that he has the ability to identify possible risks and turn them into opportunities. 

Maoists have escaped from the shark fish and started swimming in the parliamentary stream . He is a new swimmer, so he probably doesn't fear Hindutva politics that much . Babusaheb, Qazisaheb, Jimidar Saheb and other Jinamsina Jaggawals and professional 'brothers' in the Congress party have not had the pride of having taken several tigers of the Rana-Shah family to the zoo . In them, the trend of 'dekhajala' is widespread . Considering the party competition as the election of Rotary Club and Jaycees organization, they indulge in rhetorical politics instead of maneuvering .

Ekata's 'Malay' activists who have collaborated with Mandalay since at least the 1980s believe that the republic is more threatened by Udus than sharks and tigers. Perhaps that is why Prime Minister Sharma Oli has instructed his workers to keep the streets of Kathmandu in the hands of the UML from 11 am to 2 am on the day the monarchists announced their protest. Congress, the ally of the ruling coalition, is now looking for "decency" in the UML president's speech. The National Human Rights Commission was concerned about inflammatory expressions. Those who expect parliamentary conduct and governmental dignity from Prime Minister Sharma Oli, who has reached the top through the politics of ideological mobility, deception, hypocrisy and conspiracy, forget that he did not reach the position of Prime Minister with a little sadness. 

Between the aftershocks of the Gorkha earthquake, Sharma Oli had to weave a 16-point conspiracy around May-June 2015. The geopolitical background of that document is still under speculation. The then Prime Minister Sushil Koirala may have been shown the greed of becoming the 'Father of the Constitution'. Greed for money falls into the following categories. Middle-class people are ready to do anything for the sake of dignity . Very few people are hungry for knowledge. Characters who yearn to go down in history are sometimes established as heroes but more often as counter-heroes. Sushil Koirala's political guru Tulsi Giri told leading television journalist Vijay Kumar in an interview - 'Let history remember me the way it is' or any sentence to that effect. Although Giri's language sounded indifferent, it was not difficult to understand the pain in it. The destiny of disciple Koirala did not seem to be much different from that of Guru Giri . 

If the constitution is not made somehow in 2015, Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal might have been forced to surrender by pointing out the tragedy of the failed armed struggle. Today, he has reached the state of protecting his political existence by wearing Ramnami. Vijayakumar Gachchdar, a political entrepreneur of a platform called Madhesi Janadhikhar Forum Dhaktikar, may have been forced to sign a conspiracy document by asking him to 'open the file' of his past controversial decisions. At that time, the political group of Gachchdar, who made many nationalist statements and became the darling of the dominant community, has now been limited to reciting old memories by gathering some loyal supporters. The only winner of Tintak's political struggles was Khas-Arya community's ethnic Mukhtiyar and UML's surveyor Sharma Oli.

Regressive thinking

Sharma Oli, who was the unchallenged ethnic leader of Khasarya around 2015, based on the so-called 'grandeur of Nepali pride and self-respect' and the 'Oliology' ideology, consisting of 'obscurantism, populism, xenophobia, pluralism and populism' arising from cultural narcissism, has been the cornerstone of the republic for the past decade. Sharma Oli gave a republican cover to Rajabegar's monarchical culture. The goal of the movement of the royalists is to restore the hereditary state system through Hindutva politics based on the 'Oliology' of Olibina. No matter how successful or unsuccessful the campaign of the followers of Gyanendrapath may be, Sharma Oli will end up in the footnotes of history, like Sher Bahadur Deuba, a monarchist of Ektaka. Of course, not allowing the campaign of the congregations to rise has now become a political priority of the activists of unity. Sharma Oli's biggest challenge is that the idea of ​​'Oliology' is emerging among the common people. So he might be scared.

King PN Shah's 'real Hindustan' vision is difficult to have a political basis for 'Nepalese pride and self-esteem'. In order to prove the cultural self-obsession, Sharma Oli, a Marxist-Leninist of Ekta, is having to resort to pure Bahunist legends, myths and superstitions. Ayodhya is in Nepal. Sage Kashyap built a hut on the banks of Koshi . Scholars like Panini, Gautama Buddha, Kapil Muni, Veda Vyasa were born here. Tapobhoomi, Gnanabhoomi, Siddhabhoomi and Pavitrabhoomi where various ancient sages, yogis, ascetics and siddhas practiced, created and demonstrated their path is Nepal. Questioning such beliefs is like hurting religious faith . In religious sovereignty, the sovereign is only God, the king who rules as his avatar or representative is guided by the religious authority who interprets the custom . No matter how much people's support is given, the essence of democracy cannot be maintained in a state based on religion and tradition. Tulsi Giri, who was once called 'Panchayat ki Aama', reminded King Birendra of the same thing in a slightly different way - as sovereignty is indivisible, the dual rule of the king and the people's representatives cannot run together . That's what happened at last . Despite repeated political efforts and the intervention of the Supreme Court, the 1990 constitution collapsed due to its own contradictions because the basic question of "who and what" should be the center of sovereignty between the king or the parliament could not be resolved. Maoists have only completed the implementation of that document through armed conflict. 

Along with religious faith, cultural universality based on ethnic purity can also become the basis of the state system . Although an outright lie, 'land for a people without a people' is a widely quoted phrase associated with the movement to establish a Jewish state in Palestine . After that, the established Israel is still continuing the military campaign to eliminate the minority. The first, and let's pray the last, genocide of the twenty-first century is being committed by Israel in Gaza. After liberation from British India, Pakistan was envisioned as a 'Muslim nation' with a different religious identity than the Hindu majority. After the death of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, his Muslim-majority modern state's concept of a 'Muslim nation' was transformed into an 'Islamic nation' based on the 'supreme Sharia'.

Almost all the states of South Asia have considered cultural sovereignty as paramount. The Taliban-controlled Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan proudly proclaim their religious identity. Although formally named the People's Republic of Bangladesh, the ousting of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in a coup has raised the risk that the Dhaka establishment may push aside the legitimate 'religion neutrality' concept . Even though Sri Lanka is declared as a democratic socialist republic, the government has been given the responsibility to protect and promote Buddhism by giving it the 'supreme place' constitutionally. Despite being secular in form, India and Nepal are essentially 'Hindu nations', and aspire to become a 'Hindu state'. The biggest problem of sovereignty defined by mixing religion and culture is that in such states, the republic turns into a system of majority rule. Whether hereditary or elected, minorities, no matter how large, are doomed to live at the mercy of the dominant community within a system of majority rule. On the one hand, there is a possibility of an armed rebellion under the pretext of protecting the minority from the whims of the majority, on the other hand, the possibility of the revival of hegemonic cultural institutions or military power cannot be ruled out. Ethnic Mukhtiar Sharma Oli is perhaps a little more aware of the emotional undercurrent within the Khasarya community than other politicians.

progressive hypocrisy

Liberal political thinkers and propagandists benefiting from the structural facilities of Khasary supremacy can lecture for hours on the supremacy of the constitution, primacy of parliament, majority rule, independent judiciary, competent administration, conscious civil society and the importance of an attentive and fearless press. They can write a long article pointing out the disadvantages of corruption . Can teach lessons about human rights. They can give sermons by quoting from Vedas, Puranas and Divyapodesha. In left-wing politics, the role of organizer, propagandist and supporter is more important than the thinker . It is true that the structural facilities of the Bahunist system are somewhat more enjoyed by relatively wealthy groups, but the poor are not completely deprived of such racial privileges. In order to maintain their legitimacy and acceptability, the patriot politicians resort to various tactics to win the support of the proletariat . By showing two-four emerging elites from the deprived and excluded communities, the promoters of supremacy raise the prominence of the class issue. It's not just that left-wing politics in India and Nepal are entirely dominated by conservatives—the class issue doesn't challenge, but rather reinforces, basic assumptions of cultural universality.

The staff of the Tribhuvan International Airport (Triavi) immigration department collected money and sent young people abroad on visit visas in collaboration with human traffickers. Charles Sobharaj said that elephants can be pierced through Triavi . Today, camels can also be sent. Ravi Lamichhane, the former deputy prime minister, former home minister and chairman of the National Independent Party, is currently in custody in a fraud case committed in the name of a cooperative. His party is not able to muster the courage to find another president . None of Kathmandu Bhutanese Refugee Resurrection Provision, Lalitara-Regional Airport in Birtamod, Pokhara Department of International International International International Airport, NBSP;. The juggles don't wait, "the chance will not return, no longer return, or 'in the chance'. Earlier Assembly, decreased omnis tremendous plane buyer, wide bddy's plane buyer and nbsp to disappearance from the memory of the generals. As a constitutional garbage, such as constitutional garbage, such as constitutional garbage, and NBSP, such as the constitutional dominance of Khasi is institutionalism and non-enabled community.