Citizens of Birgunj declared a woman as street president on 10th Baisakh 063. This was the supreme desire expressed by the masses during the mass movement. The manifesto slogan of the republic that "one day comes only once in a lifetime" was not born out of that.

It was not boxed in anyone's eyes. Janman had a dream. Citizens are the ultimate decision makers of a nation. Therefore, republic in Nepal is a natural and easy establishment. On that day, the Birgunj mass established that the people were also the source of the future state system. Krantibhumi Birganj has been establishing priority in every people's struggle in Nepal.

The next day, the victory festival was celebrated. Gyanendra Shahi fell from January 061, the people won. Various speakers were speaking at the Vijaya Sabha in Birganj. A Dalit voice was also called from below to the platform. But there was no hearing. Strengthening the democracy gained from the great struggle a few hours ago is the search for the participation of disadvantaged communities in every process. Failure of any party to join the process or disengagement was a sign of malnourishment of the nascent democracy. This topic was not only a sign, it was seen as a reality. 

Democracy emphasizes a balanced and proportionate development process in all ways. The political parties, who were the main vehicle for the just transformation of the state, forgot their profound role in Birganj that day. Within a short time, victory mania had crept into the coalition parties. The pride of supremacy had ended. Democratic state structure is not just a theoretical matter. In a democracy, individual freedom is given utmost importance. Democracy eradicates state-preserved distinctions and divisions. After that, what happened in the name of all-party alliance? The people on the ground said that the low level of democratic values ​​in their mentality and working style has become a matter of repeated concern. In other words, the golden day rose and eclipsed from that day. Although this story is from Virganj, the pain is from the whole country.

Often heard after the establishment of the republic, the reference to the overthrow of Gaddinsin Raja in Nepal will be a lesson for the world. This will prove to be a new phenomenon. It was a matter that had to be resolved through the constitution made by the people since the people's movement in 2007. Nepal has now come to practice republicanism. This exercise is better to see if the tortoise is moving in the right direction rather than worrying about whether the hare is running fast. The parties are free to develop their own strategy to secure their position in the future political competition. But there is no doubt about the country's basic future goals, programs and the way to achieve them.

In today's Nepal, it is not a matter of debate whether to remain a king or not. Nor is it a matter of interest to international friendly countries including India. The main issue is whether to keep a 'sick republic' or a 'strong republic'. Sabal Republic has now become a common issue of all the mainstream parties as well as the vocal civil society. There is no reason to be alarmed by the immediate impasse. 

The new constitution established three main things – republicanism, federalism and harmony. The relationship of the state with different languages, regions, genders, castes and religions is defined under Manjasya. What is being tried to be raised through the story of Virganj is that the political hypocracy covered it from the moment of making the background of the new effort. This is what has prevented us from being modern and democratic in the true sense. Disappointment has arisen among the people. As a result we are caught in many kinds of conflicts.

Right now we are in the process of laying the foundation of the state of Nepal. The inaction and irresponsibility due to Netaraj is becoming more evident every day. If the constitution can be kept alive, the country will become stronger.

To be a monarchist is to be a victim of superstition. It is the mindset of a certain person invoking a 'superhuman' power to achieve positive or negative results for his life. One also argues that superstition remains a private matter and does not become a problem unless it enters the public domain. But the question is, what guarantees that your public conduct will not be affected by what has become part of your private life? Double standards do not apply at once. Opposing a certain king but still living as a 'king' within himself. 

The battle to truly reach the Republic is long. It is not limited to electing the President. There is a mandatory change in the mindset of the population. This is not a short, easy way to reach the goal. Only by fighting to change the whole environment can the change be made. Gyanendra Shah's movement is an inspiration when interpreted from one angle, which is showing the way to carry forward this work at the nationwide level for the spread of rational consciousness by making every Nepalese more determined. A small but significant beginning of a national renaissance can be made from this point. Hakaha's RPP, which has emerged as the biggest signature of the return-to-king politics, wants to impose a state system that will be a dictatorship of outdated thinking, and its main victim will be the majority of the people of this country. After a long time of preparation, the 'flop show' of the political revolution was seen.

RPPA thinks that it has neither history nor logic expected by modern society, so it has done the politics of religion to compete with the republican forces. There is no need to argue when religion is involved in politics. However, there is no need to prove anything in religion. Expectations such as 'deliver' become secondary. There is nothing new about RPP except that it has been repeating the same slogan since its birth. In the post-republic period, Nirmal Niwas dominated the leadership line of the race to get the favor of Niwas. But proximity to a deposed king has a philosophical meaning, in republican politics. Time has moved on from Mohanshamsher's opinion that becoming the president should have been written on the forehead, now only a person determined by an election process can reach that position.

There are 5 types of people in any front of RPP. First, those who enjoyed the pleasures of the Panchayat period, were not believed elsewhere and chose the organization of the former Panchayats. The second type of rats who move from place to place to ride the boat of power but want to run a fashion shop for themselves, some of them live at a distance from Nirmal Niwas. Thirdly, devotees who are currently at the feet of Nirmal Niwas Adhipati, frog jumping around various selfish power centers. Fourth, the self has emptiness of thought, no dream of change, only blind devotion. The fifth is to build your political power by riding the king and religion. There is no doubt that the RPP is a group of ex-combatants who hide the pain of their past liberal-liberal conflicts. But revels in an imaginary past. What is written about Gyanendra Shah in the writings of the former Panchas, why do you shy away from admitting it?

RPP is a political organization. It is rooted in the liberality of republican democracy. Now we are not trying to talk about the weather organizations that came into existence to bring back the king. They can quickly leave the Kathmandu-centered struggle and descend in Madhesh. Those who have been in the colonial structure for a long time may even come to believe that such chatters are the real troublemakers. Every society has a 'silent majority' group, even in Madhesh there are those who are ready to blow the republican panchajanya. The king has become history in Nepali politics, but this 'king's instrument' will continue to reverberate for a long time. Because in the name of bringing back the king, the hatchery of the strategy of disorder is the parties fighting for the republic. It is necessary to look at it in a subtle way.

Gyanendra's blind ambition did not grow overnight. The worship of Prithvi Narayan Shah was resumed on the beautiful dawn of the Republic. While the republic assumes the belief that the creator of the country is its citizens. The pain and struggle of the residents of this place is embedded in it. Then those who called themselves royalists were branded as nationalists. There was a dilemma whether to consider Gyanendra Shah as a former president or to have a chance to live as an ordinary citizen. The idols of Mahendra Shah began to be celebrated and imitated.

The concept of linking the king with the name of such and such a religion was coined, while these are two different subjects. How can a liberal religion's unruly character be a watchman? In the same way, the work of eradicating the royal character was done for purely party interests. The palace continued to refrain from returning the public property that it seized. Most mainstream leaders emerged as ritualists. The same Laweda – Surwal, Dhaka Topi and Marji-Hajur customs prevailed. The old tendency of Nepali politics is to tarnish the image of the opposition. While splashing mud on each other, the clothes of the past kings started to look clean. Even in the process of transformation of the Royal Army into the Nepali Army, civil consultation was pushed aside. Due to these shadow actions, the entire face is gradually illuminated.

After the first and second parties of the parliament formed a government together, their party leaders did not become proud. The leaders of these two major parties feel that the vital power should be concentrated on themselves. It is in everyone's best interest to treat mistakes as opportunities to improve, not as disappointments or to cover up ego. Several parties in neighboring India have collapsed as they are overwhelmed by the task of reorganizing themselves. That's right, they have received a flood of preachers at this time. @kishore_chandra