The federal government introduced an ordinance to resolve the land issue. As in the past, this time too, Madhesh was shaken. After all, why is Madhesh shaken by the government's steps regarding 'land'? Why do Madhesh think this is another scam? Why is there no trust between the state and Madhesh? Why does the wandering Madhesh arrive at the same crossroads?

Why this particular political power base is considered an undertaking to expand? After all, the government had to bring an ordinance to fulfill what purpose? Which group has hijacked Nepal's land rights movement? Any political forces playing politics in Madhesh should have an honest discussion about this, but it didn't seem like that. This is an ideological and political question.

There is a problem of the landless in Madhesh, there are no two opinions about it. But the rumor sounds more artificial landless. The actual land-descendants here remain untouched by this discussion. Always the slogan of land rights came to strengthen the colonial social relations. Those who should be owned, adopted and improved remain deprived. Those who are deprived of real land rights in Madhesh always have great suspicion and fear. So the politics of this land is no less interesting.

Why are there cries like 'Madhesh's forest, the wealth of the hills', 'Madhesh's land, it is coming to loot'? Since the government undertaking of land distribution is also the main force of internal colonialism, the ruled group is not usually involved in this Mahakhel. Even as regimes change, ruling groups use a variety of tactics. No political change has stopped the tradition of using forest, land and human resources of Madhesh for the benefit of a particular community. If there is such an understanding on the ground level, then it is a flicker of a dormant fire in the ashes.

Who produces commentary on land rights? Who does this commentary empower? Since the question of land is intertwined with political, social and economic aspects, the relationship between the state and Madhesh will remain cold until it is addressed to the real stakeholders. In Madhesh, the distribution of natural resources has been a source of conflict. Due to various reasons, the country has not been able to integrate in all aspects till date.

The current Land Ordinance is a panchayat-like resettlement scheme. It is understood that it is a way to legitimize land encroachment. It is suspected that the ordinance will reduce the area of ​​forest and destroy public land. Will the land mafia get relief? Due to the trend of occupying space by clearing forests and occupying public land, it has changed the meaning and importance of land and land ownership when the land is encroached on the natural resources and means of production and turned into a game of gambling to get political protection.

There is a serious problem of the landless in Madhesh. There is a problem of public land encroachment. Meter-interest practices are the product of subordinationism. Exploitation is based on land, rather it is socialized as social prestige. It is the basis of political selfishness and social exploitation. It is the main source of creating a sense of injustice and conflict. The power of landownership has invisible dimensions. Until the power relations created by role in Madhesh are broken, the existing cycle of inequality will continue to create a cycle of additional oppression. There is also the politics of clearing forests and settling slums and making them vote banks. 

From the perspective of Madhesh, the land system has always been depicted as an internal colonial tool. But within that society, the cycle of land ownership came to be ignored about the social structure. It is equally important to investigate the nature of these power-relationships by what elements. The current land ordinance has given Madhesh an opportunity to wake up once again. Now is the time to dispel the objection that Madhesi politics has only become a playground for landowners and to assert its human face. 

But the situation is such as to strengthen government ad hocism. It is necessary to have land management to realize federalism at the ground level in Madhesh. This is a question of justice. The main question is to end the exclusion of the real landless people of Madhesh and establish respect for the poor Dalits. In that sense, it is important to understand the agenda related to land in a broad sense. Of course, a stakeholder in the land question is Madhesh. This is the issue of Santhals, Rajvanshis, Madhesi Dalits, Tharu, Muslims etc. However, if the problem is not resolved, the continuous conflict that may arise will affect not only them, but the entire country.

There is a lack of sufficient effort towards generating public knowledge about the roots of land tenure and ownership linked to the economic and political environment of the state. Those who have the power to produce land-related knowledge are not able to understand the soil of Madhesh. Those who are familiar with Bhuiyan. They are only going to express their feelings. In this way, comments that are guided by the interests of the dominant are being consumed in the public sphere. 

Why did someone become landless in their own land? Who seized the land? Why are some displaced? How did Nirih become a farmer or farmer in his own land? How were the Madhesi Dalits kept apart even when the state-owned land was being distributed in the Terai? From the perspective of Madhesh, the land problem is diverse and multiplicity. After going to the provincial practice, it was expected that serious work would be done on this matter, but it did not happen.

  Who stopped the land ordinance for now? Under whose pressure was the government forced to form a committee for that? This is not the time to get bogged down in claiming it and making noise. The forces of Madhesh should feel the pressure to create a common vision on the issue of land ordinance. But the forces of Madhesh again appeared in the same power. On the pretext of

ordinance, he dreamed of rising to power and bargained with Singh Darbar. There, Singh Darbar has been sitting on the sidelines of these Madhesh dependent parties. On the contrary, he grunted - "Aapke MP people are in contact with us". If the intention is to give more speed, I will break the party again. In other words, the invisible branches that prevent the political campaign of becoming a Madhesi front, which is being cut off by the politics of the ordinance, are also intertwined with it.

Hence the context of the Ordinance is an opportunity and a challenge for the Madhesi powers. At a glance, in spite of many possibilities, it is not possible to have a unified movement in Madhesh. The campaign to form a soft coalition of Madhesi forces is not a game to destabilize the current government. He did not want the right-wing forces to jump freely on the plains of Madhesh. Nor is it to pressure any party to leave the government. It is a quest to build common ground on some basic questions to put a common pressure on policy reforms. It is clear, if the Singha Durbar is not able to balance the tension at the ground level, there is a danger of falling into the pit of instability again. The House of Representatives, therefore, should be seen as a safety valve.

What is Madhesh thinking? What is happening in Madhesh? It was getting late to seriously discuss it. The idea of ​​a soft alliance emerged from this perspective. After the ordinance, the soft coalition activity seems to have slowed down a bit. Campaigners of this alliance should take the Land Ordinance as an opportunity to focus on building a collective vision. Whether the Madhesh party is in the government or not, whether it is in the federal parliament or not, everyone should play a meaningful role in this direction.