As the month of Bikram Samvat approaches in Kathmandu, along with freezing cold, frequent sneezing and air pollution that makes it difficult to breathe, the frenzy of Andhra Natraism also starts to spread like an accidental regularity.

Although it is difficult to find the origin of other disasters, the tide of Andhrashtaraism begins to rise for a moment in Mahendra Salik of Darbarmarg. According to information available in public sources, King Mahendra was born in June, had two weddings in Baisakh and Magh respectively, ascended the throne in Chait, was crowned in Baisakh and died in Magh.

Surprisingly, his followers celebrate Mahendra Memorial Day on the 1st of January, when King Mahendra blocked Nepal's 18-month initial process of democratization for a long time through a royal-military coup. He was the eldest son of Gaddinsin Raja. After the death of his father, he became the king according to the ancient practice of seniority. Though illiterate, he ruled for about 17 years, showing the inherent ruling instinct of hereditary rulers, and died at a relatively young age when time called. He won no war. He did not even lead the freedom struggle.

Instead, he devoted his entire life to strengthening the Jahannian rule of the Shahs. There is no reason for the general public to remember him. He is a character of history, he would have been allowed to remain in the pages of history. Commemorating Masan Jagae every year on January 1 only exposes his dictatorial tendencies by overshadowing some of his positive aspects.

Before being killed in the Narayanhiti massacre, King Birendra ruled longer than his late father. If one ignores the inherent autocracy seen in most hereditary kings, his reign can be interpreted as a period of slow but gradual improvement in Nepal's diplomacy, politics, society, culture and economy.

The proposal to declare a peace zone, although it may seem immature, the practice of plebiscite, and the restoration of parliamentary democracy due to widespread popular struggle and some Indian pressure are significant events of his reign. It is precisely because of all these relatively liberal characters that the Mahendravists, who show a tinge of authoritarian nationalism, want to forget King Birendra.

There is another reason why the servants of the Shah-Rana family do not want to remember King Birendra as much as possible - until his death in the Narayanhiti massacre is erased from public memory, there is no possibility of restoring the acceptance of King Gyanendra, who was ascended the throne for the second time. Although he was enthroned twice, King Gyanendra, who could not get divine legitimacy (divine mandate) through the Vedic ritual of coronation, became the head of the political state and the head of the governing government, but he could never get the status of being called the 'incarnation of Vishnu'.

Maybe that's why he was called 'former king', otherwise there is no need to add prefixes such as former, former or retired with the word divine king, who is a divine king like other royal positions. It is reasonable for the Nepali Army not to commemorate the 14th of December to avoid the blunder of not being able to save the life of its supreme commander-in-chief, who is inside the most secure compound of the country. Propagators of Hukumi nationalism want to forget January 14, but even the limited admirers of Raja Birendra prefer to remember him instead on the day of the Narayanhiti massacre (Jeth 19).

At some point, Christians changed the Anno Domini (AD) system, which marks the occasion of the change of year according to the Gregorian calendar, and began to call it the Coordinated Era (Common Era ie 'CE'). The government of Nepal should use the CE calendar in its correspondence with organizations such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization or the World Bank.

America, Britain, France, Russia, China, Japan and India, Pakistan and Bangladesh in South Asia, although cultural activities are done according to their respective calendars, CE calendar is used for government work. Since CE is in practice in all the modern states of the world, the date according to the same coordinate calendar should be mentioned in the passport of Nepal. But the land of peace messenger Buddha, brave Gorkhali, high Mount Everest, delicious food and pilgrimage of Hadigaon, which is nowhere, could not abandon its great and glorious tradition.

Therefore, in Nepal, in order to show its difference from India, Bikram Samvat, which is connected with the mythical emperor Vikramaditya of Ujjain in India, was announced as the official calendar for government work during the reign of Chandrashamsher, and the same almanac is still in use. Now it becomes the duty of the loyal subjects to uphold the orders of the majestic Maharajas for ages, so the use of Vikram Samvat cannot be justified.

The new generation of Swami devotees of the family, who have been respected in the society under the watchful eye of the Shah-Rana family, have started the tradition of celebrating 'National Dress Day' and 'Hat Day' in the afternoon before celebrating the CE New Year in the evening to show off their fashionable ethnic nationalism. Perhaps the catalyst for such ugly display of Anthraxtism is the Hindutvaists of India, who are spreading the idea that instead of Christmas, December 25th should be celebrated as 'Tulsi Poojan Day' and February 14th should be celebrated as 'Matri-Pitru Poojan Day' instead of Valentine's Day. Fashion spreads quickly, so for Madhesi, January 1 is now also 'Dhoti Diwas'.

Divisive nationalism

According to the principle of partyless democracy, Balendra Shah, who was elected as an independent candidate as the executive head of Kathmandu metropolis and before that, known as rapper Balen Shah in the 'hip-hop' world, has issued an order that schools in the profit sector should be given names that reflect Nepaliness. The fires of ethno-nationalism will spread from this kind of romanticism.

In the concept of 'Nepaliness' conceived by the preachers of panchayat system during the authoritarian rule of the Shahs, there is a predominance of Hindu religion, Nepali language, Shah-Rana family, military centralism and the prevailing social and cultural values ​​and beliefs among the nobles of Gorkhali empire.

Instead of finding an inclusive and participatory definition of nationality in a multinational republic, the Gorkhali Empire, which was institutionalized between 1768 and 1816, has changed many times due to Khas-Aryan intellectuals and media workers who are happy to be the stenographers of the majoritarian power. Dogmatism—perpetuating political control by asserting cultural dominance over conquered territory—has so far been approx remains the same.

India's 'Hindu political philosophy' or America's 'America First' puritanism, the biggest problem with ethno-nationalism is that such thinking overshadows the essential and positive elements of national unity such as social justice, cultural diversity and equitable economic development along with the voluntary participation of all. . Denial of diversity particularly hurts the self-esteem of disadvantaged, marginalized and excluded minorities.

Instead of progress based on broad collectivism and equality, nationalism that prides itself on the conservative status quo of elite dominance is established. If possible, it becomes easier for the established elites to continue their hegemony through the permanent deployment of security forces by producing internal enemies, if not external ones. Aberrations such as oligarchy, tyranny, tyranny, tyranny or elected dictatorship are the natural consequences of ethnic nationalism.

s are not always external wars and internal rebellions, but constant instability forces ethnic power to be permanently dependent on military force. Not only Burma, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, but also the power of India, which is considered to be the greatest political exercise of diversity-based democracy in human history, is slowly becoming a police state.

According to the concept of a protectorate state, a security force operated for political purposes forces it to remain committed to an authoritarian regime by constantly monitoring civilian activities. The centrality of the security forces rather than the citizens is a fundamental assumption of the protectorate state.

After the declaration of the Republic in 2008, the Nepali Army should be credited with restoring the political centrality of the Gorkhali conqueror Prithvi Narayan Shah, who was confined to the pages of history from the regular routine of running the state. After the images of the king and queen were removed, the Nepalese army installed King Prithvi Narayan, the symbol of political supremacy, and Bhanubhakta, the poet, the symbol of cultural supremacy, to fill their void.

King Prithvi Narayan's photo is perhaps the instruction that must be hung in every unit of the Nepali Army. A few years ago, the news that Jangi Adda had established the Prithvi Narayan Shah Study Center was also published. Since King Prithvi Narayan's victory campaign succeeded in establishing his identity and Gorkhali bravery, it is not unusual for the Nepalese army to remain loyal to Shah Badamaharaj even in the republican system.

Descendants of the Khasa-Arya elite, who have risen from servants, puritans and watchmen of a relatively Tannam Bhuretakure court to become lords of the vast Gorkhali empire, must remain grateful to their breadwinner. During the almost three centuries of reign of the Shah-Rana family, from marriage-vratabandh to death rites and Shraddha, receiving donations-dakshina, eating Katto to atone for the sins of the deceased and giving fruits as a reward for service, the descendants of the tribe have also covered the hills and plains of Nepal.

That group remained loyal to their ancestral guardians. Therefore, there is not a small group of people who want to celebrate Prithvi Jayanti on 27th of December voluntarily in Nepal. The problem lies in the decision to declare the occasion the so-called 'National Unity Day'.

Sher Bahadur Deuba, the founding chairman of the Nepali Congress-Democratic Party, who succeeded in getting appointed as the prime minister for about 9 months under the supervision of King Gyanendra, received 'justice from the Gorkhali king', but the residents of Karnali West have good reason to consider King Prithvi Narayan as the 'nation maker'. does not appear

The brave Gorkhali conquest campaign of tribal fighters like Khas, Gurung and Magar could not be successful, so it is normal that he found his merits in the honor of King Prithvinarayan. But for the once-warrior Tamang, the cultured Tharu or most of the pre-Koshi tribals who were relegated to the status of servants by the Gorkhali conquerors, the blind devotion to the male symbol of supremacy is a reminder of the blows to their identity.

Be it King Prithvi Narayan or Lada's Jung Bahadur Kunwar, all communities and groups should have the freedom to celebrate the jubilee of their venerable ancestors appropriately. The decision to impose such a ritual on all common people of a multinational state can be put in the category of political trespass.

But why are dismissed politicians like President Ramchandra Paudel or Khas-Arya's ethnic mukhtiyar, CPN-UML surveyor and the country's fourth-time Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli&nbsp? A possible explanation is perhaps to be found in the populism of nationalist patriotism that has made the common people sick.

Collective self-infatuation

Individuals have objective bases for measuring their qualities and actions such as abilities, skills, attributes, prowess and achievements. An objective assessment of the mastery or perfection of any group is an impossible task. Afghanistan, the poorest and most backward country in South Asia, can be proud of the achievement of never being a colony after defeating the great powers of the world like Britain, Russia and America in war.

Until a few days before the country collapsed, Sri Lanka was proud of its ability to suppress the Tamil Tigers, a guerilla group considered one of the most destructive in the world. King Mahendra's praise singers, who rejoiced in the achievement of removing the Indian inspectors from the Himalayan region with the help of the Chinese, would like to see the Maldives with a total population of 500,000 complete the same task without any fuss. can

. India is the country of the most hungry people in the world, and it has the pride of being the owner of one of the oldest human civilizations in the world. The Nepalese who survive by sending almost one-third of the population of the most productive age to Lahore and eat their remittances are not ashamed to exaggerate their nationalist stance. 

A collective narcissism naturally arises in the general public to survive with self-respect in times of crisis. Ambitious rulers trade in favoritism by catching the same weak nerves of the common people.

Unethical thinker Pratap Bhanu Mehta, who is considered one of India's famous political analysts, came to Kathmandu last November for the Kantipur Conclave-2024 thought festival. Due to his childhood upbringing in a traditional Hindu society and most of his adult education in Britain and America, thinker Pratap Bhanu has an amoral view on political issues as well.

Since personal morality comes from conscience and conscience, objective analysis of such trends is not easy. Standards of public morality are determined by political, intellectual or cultural power. It is fluid and dynamic.

Once upon a time, due to the concept of 'whose sword is his palace', there was a struggle among the great scholars of their era to offer Shripech on the heads of those who killed their brothers and clans. German poets, artists, scientists and philosophers of that time lined up in favor of Hitler who massacred the Jews on the basis of the genetic superiority of the Aryans. unethical  The

thinker does not rush to criticize even the immoral reality, however moral it may be personally, he merely interprets cautiously. Perhaps that is why, in 2014, Narendra Modi's victory was hailed by Pratap Bhanu as 'the screenplay of the most glorious political victory in the history of independent India'.