Theoretical ambiguity or lack of commitment to theory is also a cause of problems. The main ambiguity is towards the state's liability. If no one can read because of the fee, then who is responsible should not be separated. Nationalization and universal free provision are responsible for the collapse of our public schools.
The Education, Health and Information Technology Committee of the Parliament is currently consulting on the School Education Bill. It took 10 ministers and two Speakers to reach this stage. Parliamentarians were able to amend it freely.
Although many stakeholders and the public have been able to gather discussion about education, the bill has become "constipated" due to the many amendments. One of the reasons for this is that it is presented without the consent of one level of stakeholders. Now there are countless amendment proposals and discussions on them. The bill seems to be far away from what subject to keep and what was agreed upon.
controversial topic
The management of private schools has been the most complicated subject of the bill. This particularly concerns fees, legal regulation of profiteering and selection of students. Many politicians and scholars say that if the government reforms, the private sector will lose. Private schools that have sprung up all over the place make educational planning chaotic and the pressure for reform, i.e. the demand side, dull.
, especially the issue of teacher appointment is complicated. The tasks of the provincial government that are not provided in the constitution, such as teacher management or the 10th class examination or the provision of establishing a provincial education commission, have been raised sharply. Another issue is free education. How much free education can the country sustain without fees? It is not free unless someone pays. Educationist Meen Bishta 'is a matter of as much importance as education, defense or energy. The country should prioritize accordingly', he says. Most of the reputed schools are charging fees. Another
is the question of teacher management. This is a topic especially related to the financial aspect of retirement. Former education minister Girirajmani Pokharel does not see that the bill can go ahead without providing a teaching service within the civil service. Nowadays, teachers have started to be exported. Respect and facilities alone cannot sustain a qualified teacher anymore.
Even in the lowest paying country in Europe (Slovakia) they get a salary of 2000 dollars a month, although the cost of living there is also high. Although there is a huge disparity in levels, teacher salaries in both the government (Bharu 40,000) and private (20,000) sectors in India are higher than in Nepal. It is not far to come to a situation where even the private sector will not get teachers in the country. Along with
, amendments have been submitted but there are not many disputes. For example, the bill did not define quality or clarify the goals of education. For this, the parliamentary committee should form a committee and give the right to rewrite those clauses. Some parliamentarians and experts may spend a long time deciding where to put commas and what words to use. The bill also contains details and issues to be addressed by many executive and lower level laws. It will also have to be covered together.
theory and content Another cause of the
problem is theoretical ambiguity or lack of commitment to theory. The main ambiguity is towards the state's liability. Not just a choice of private and public. If no one can read because of the fee, then who is responsible should not be separated. The state should guarantee free basic education, but in the present situation it is not necessary to do it all by itself.
One way for government convenience is 'zoning' i.e. determination of school service area. And not paying those who can pay is not a social thing. Nationalization and universal free will are responsible for the collapse of our public schools. Even now, when it comes to fees, the fact that two classes of students are being taught in the same public school makes this clear with sadness and anger.
is the matter of details such as fees and private disputes under the teacher. The key is localization, diversity. And availability of quality teachers. Instead of words such as 'remaining under', it should be said that if possible, make the municipality your own, if not, follow the federal system.
is a superficial story about a teacher joining politics. If the demand is strong, there will be public pressure on the teachers. Let's ask the question - Why do the policemen of the police station continue to provide basic services despite their political beliefs or party leanings? Teachers are absent in schools, but even in remote areas, police stations are not absent to the extent that work is stopped.
If the road is not built and the government does nothing or can't do anything, why do the people go to the streets themselves to fix the contractor? Why do people make people work by giving bribes because they did not work? Why don't they do the same to the teacher?
The education bill has more political, economic, governmental and legal aspects than the technical aspects of education. It's not that they don't understand, but only educationists can't say how to get money or whether private schools can charge fees or not, or freedom of doing business and the right to education. How many subjects proposed now are not compatible with the constitutional provisions.
The widening of the responsibilities of the then government cannot give legal form. It only provides a blueprint for making laws. Radheshyam Adhikari, a political legal practitioner involved in this process, says, "Once the constitutional court is established or the constitutional bench is adjudicated, the conflicting provisions are repealed." Therefore, multidisciplinary multilateral consultation among the main stakeholders in this matter is necessary.
core stakeholder
The main stakeholder is the political party. It also has its heads (or headmisses). They had to include at least two figures from the ruling party and one from the main opposition. Chaturmurti or Panchamurti can also be there, but because it is difficult to reach an agreement, things can break down, so few parties have only one leader.
It depends on their intelligence, will and self-defense. Not much leaf is going to shake if they don't shake their heads on the main contentious issues above. But if they want, they can take direction in a pinch with questions other than the constitutional question. In this context, it is important that the Congress makes an education policy.
Another stakeholder is the teacher and private person. They are silent on each other's issues, although in theory teachers should be on the side of public education. How many teachers spoke in favor of public education?
There is also the fear that the children in their private schools will be persecuted and the teachers' union or their constituents are led by the old teachers. It is important to consider how to communicate with the new generation of teachers. Dialogue with the private depends on political determination.
The government mechanism that can adjust the military of the rebels and the establishment, and can agree on the local level structure in a pinch, can do things from the abolition of the private to the use. The private sector, which can even make a profit by persuading the parents, can also come to an agreement. Its 'main switch' is with the parties. Coexistence of those two switches is also the cause of Bill's constipation. The cause and the remedy are in the same place.
Its new owner (beyond stakeholders) is the municipality. The question of capacity lies with them. They have not spoken properly and properly on this matter because of their party's talukwala. Their association is mostly dormant. Apart from the work of some exemplary municipalities, their performance is not encouraging. What they do not understand is that the municipality is not only a decentralized government but also a facilitator of localization and local autonomy.
School management committees are the traditional unit of local democracy and autonomy. This is a group of parties that are being neglected by resources and state agencies, but have not been dismissed under the slogan of communalism, but represent the demand. They are the direct representatives of the parents.
Another key stakeholder is the bureaucracy, which is generally considered to be out of shape and opinion. They have the experience and the tools. Education and governance can be understood together. They have the opportunity to study and have a comparative perspective. They should be consulted as a separate group. Non-governmental organizations, especially donor agencies, are its pseudo-stakeholders. They influence opinion diplomatically.
It is always desirable to have multi-stakeholder consultation in education, even if it is done in the form of an open social experiment, it will give direction to all. Once the committee consults people from very different backgrounds (bank operators including the National Bank, industrialists other than running schools, high representatives of security agencies, lawyers or groups of doctors), a new perspective comes.
Former minister Sumana Shrestha has already raised the matter in the parliamentary committee itself, that a high political consensus should be reached with legal consultation before the parliamentary committee discusses it further. At the same time, the committee should go through the process and make adjustments and withdrawals according to the acceptable or undisputed aspects of the amendment. It is beneficial to consult extensively on education beforehand. The Committee may direct the Government to hold such consultation.
