In Janakpur, the splendor of marriage Panchami has not diminished at all. It is not easy to keep the cost of pilgrims who come on foot from nearby villages and across the border. The number of devotees who come to the city to watch the Jatra in the morning and return home in the evening is also significant.

Though the group of pilgrims arriving by plane and motor is small, they add to the atmosphere of the festival. It is difficult to verify the claim of Mahant Ramroshan Das Vaishnav, the successor of Janaki Mandir, that 'more than 2 million pilgrims participated' in the wedding Panchami festival this time. After receiving solid data from an official source, media persons usually do not inquire further. That is why the claim of Junior Mahant is gaining prominence everywhere from Janakpur to Kathmandu. According to local traders, compared to previous years, this time the number of pilgrims has decreased by 6 ana, i.e. about 37.5 percent. Business has decreased by 10 annas (62.5 percent). The shopkeepers do not accept the argument that the crowd may be less because the management is tight. The fact that there were few shoppers was also reflected in the relatively thin presence of customers in the usually packed sweet shops. Some relatively leisurely shopkeepers found it easy to cite reasons.

In the estimation of many people, this time the pilgrims may have been divided into two sides as the marriage coincided with Panchami and Gadhimai fair. That argument doesn't sound tenuous. In the monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam based on the concept of a single God who is all-knowing, all-seeing and all-powerful, their divine books and holy prophets came first. The formation of sects based on different interpretations only happened later. So a devotee cannot be Catholic and Protestant or Shia and Sunni at the same time. Even if someone wanted to, their religious leaders would not allow it. In the polytheistic religious group of traditional practices later named 'Hindu', the same person could easily be a Vaishnava on Ram Navami, a Shakta on Dasain and a Shaivite on Shivratri. So it depends on one's preference whether Shraddha joins the wedding panchami or goes to offer sacrifice at Gadhimai to fulfill the vows. According to some Kesaria activists, Janakpur may have seen less crowding as the marriage panchami rituals are now being held in many local Ramzanaki temples. Some devotees have started preferring to do darshan and puja on other days instead of mountain festivals. As the reach of the market has expanded even to small villages, the number of people who come to Janakpur even for shopping in the meso that fills the fair is getting thinner day by day. 

The frightening forecast that the number of devotees coming to Janakpur not only for marriage panchami but also for darshan and poojas in the future will decrease even more is not unbelievable. According to the legend of Ram Katha, in the year when there was a famine in Mithila, according to the advice of the sages, Videhraj Shirdhwaja Janak, the father of Videharaj Shirdhwaja, drove a plow himself to appease Indra, the god of rain and time. Janaki's place of origin is more a matter of faith than authenticity. According to popular belief in Mithila, Janakandini appeared in the village of Poonaura near the border town of Sitamarhi. Punora is not yet established in the psyche of Indian Ram devotees. But the Bihar government's decision to invest more than 200 crores to add 'tourist facilities' to Punora as per Ayodhya model can help make that place 'Sitadham'. It is meaningful that the newspapers of Vihar print the wedding Panchami Mahotsav of Punora, giving parallel importance to the Janakpur ceremony. 

Faizabad's Babri Masjid was demolished to build a statue of Ramlala in the temple built on the same spot, Kshama Pooja and Shila Puja from Kaligandaki area and Janaki Temple in Janakpur by performing special pooja to bring 24 ton and 14 ton Shaligram stones to Ayodhya to Ayodhya. He reached Ayodhya. The public program is usually entrusted to the successor Mahant Ramroshan Das Vaishnav, and Mahant Ramatapeshwar Das of the Janaki Temple, who sits in the background, personally went to Ayodhya to hand over the stone to Champat Rai, Secretary General of Sriram Janmabhoomi Pilgrimage Trust, in a special ceremony. Both the Punya Shaligrama Shilas handed over are lying unused in the temple complex of Ayodhya. Along with the 'maity gift' sent from Janakpur for the sanctity of the temple, Champat Ray also mentioned the gift from Punora with equal importance. The role of political activist Nidhi, who was neglected after the abortive Shaligram, has not yet achieved the expected importance.

According to some 'nationalist' observers of Janakpur, the 'Sitadham' plan is India's 'religious conspiracy' to reduce the importance of Janakpur! An idea expressed based on facts is called logic. Prejudice is called hypocrisy. Following scientific ideologies such as Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism and Maoism, the distance-based geometric explanation that Rama's birthplace is not Ayodhya in Awadh, but Ayodhya on the western side of Birganj can be placed in the 'oliological' category. According to the standard of Oli Tarka, Videhraj must not have traveled from Janakpur to Punora by riding a buggy or a horse to plough, so Sita's place of origin must be within the larger Janakpur area surrounded by Jaladh and Dudhmati rivers. In the nationalist Oli logic of the Indian conspiracy, actions such as the construction of fake Lumbini, the ban on the import of snakes and goats from India for offering sacrifices at Gadhimai, and the expansion of Punora Dham can also be interpreted as a series of projects to minimize the religious importance of Nepal. Arguments can be argued based on other facts to cut through the argument. It is enough to make fun of the disputants to dismiss the hypothesis. If the Oli argument based on propaganda is established in the public mind, it cannot be canceled in any way. The belief that cultural similarity deepens ties across and across international borders must be based on emotional rather than factual reasoning. Social relations cannot trump geopolitical calculations in determining realistic relationships. The ups and downs of love and hate created by extreme intimacy in Nepal-India relations is not a new thing. As distrust towards each other has reached the level of the people, the decline of bilateral relations that started after 2014 does not seem to be easily stopped.

The Algebra of Power

The main basis of international relations is determined by the comparative power between the respective countries. From the Sugauli Treaty (1814-1816) to the end of the Second World War, the Nepalese palace was loyal to the British. After 1947, when the competition between the United States of America and the Soviet Union began for the expansion of ideological and economic influence, the rulers of Nepal shifted their devotion from London to Washington. Until then, Nepal's elite families had significant investments even in independent India, so New Delhi and Washington appeared as co-directors of the Nepal Darbar for some time to ensure the security of their assets. Since 1960, no institution in New Delhi has dared to challenge American hegemony. Even recently, in a personal conversation, a senior Indian diplomat emphatically clarified his point of view - 'We cannot compete with the Americans or the Europeans in terms of investing in dollars to expand influence among the Kathmandu elite. It is only if the Nepalese want to join us for their own interests, otherwise we are committed to determine our policy according to our own interests. If Nepal wants to be another Tibet, we are connected with China in a long border struggle and dialogue. A few hundred more kilometers will add to the hassle. We are not at all worried about the immobility of mutual relations.'' Although it sounds brave, his expression can also be interpreted as a self-acceptance of innocence. Normalizing relations with restless neighbors is a very difficult task.

The strategy of the Nepalese court to intimidate the Governor General of Calcutta by showing the Chinese emperor worked to a certain extent until the fall of the Qing dynasty. After the abdication of the Emperor of China in 1911, Chandrashamsher was forced to surrender to the British Empire. Beijing is well aware of the limitations of Kathmandu's geopolitical options and diplomatic constraints. Therefore, Chinese diplomats protect their interests by showing broad indications of possible scenarios rather than setting conditions in front of Nepal's interlocutors. Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli was forced to agree to the 'Framework for Belt and Road Cooperation' proposal after a brief 20-minute one-on-one meeting with President Xi Jinping, despite the strict conditions of not accepting Chinese assistance except for grants from Nepali Congress, the senior partner of the ruling coalition. The ancient Greek historian Thucydides said that - the strong do what they want, the weak endure! It is tempting for some opinion makers today to show the potential benefits of BRI by using Oli logic, but it is difficult to ignore the fact that the strategic proposal was advanced not by Nepal's initiative but by China's will. It is easy to find excuses with New Delhi due to multifaceted relations, but there is a general consensus among Nepal's dominant elites that Beijing should be annoyed at any cost to preserve its existence. Because China is powerful, Beijing does not need to show its geopolitical weight time and time again.

Princess Bhrikuti went to Tibet after her marriage. After 1960, Nepalese started to know about the contribution of Newa artist Araniko, who reached Beijing via Lhasa in search of work. "Cultural relations" between China and Nepal were also popularized after 1960 only because of colorful publications like "Sachitra China". Since cultural anthropology, which studies concepts such as culture and politics, culture and state power and culture and domination in depth, is neglected in Nepal, there is no option to evaluate Nepal-China relations based on geopolitical propaganda and internal politics. For some reason, when Beijing sneezes, the authorities in Kathmandu, forced to chant 'One China' and 'Neutral Foreign Policy', cannot muster the courage to grant permission to His Holiness the Dalai Lama to visit Lumbini, the birthplace of Buddha. Joseph S. Barber has talked about hard and soft power. Economic and military capabilities are hard power. The combined transmission of culture, values ​​and beliefs and ideas creates benign power. Agile power is manifested through the appropriate use of hard and soft skills. America has just started to understand that China's combined power will overcome all three types!

Geometric geoeconomics

After the end of the Cold War, economic capacity was more important than military power for geopolitical competition. The Americans are using all their power to keep West Asia under their control due to the belief that once the power in the countries in the sphere of influence is favorable to them, their economic resources can be used according to their convenience. Finally, in the case of human rights violations, the American establishment jumps with three hands, and in the case of Saudi Arabia or Israel, explosive silence is used as a diplomatic cover. It is true that the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) demonstrated the power of geo-economics by blocking the supply in 1973, but it is China who has established the reality that the expansion of influence can be broadened by creating a trade surplus rather than restrictions. Because of the state capitalism adopted by the Chinese, a combination of military, diplomatic, industrial and commercial policies are used to promote Beijing's short, medium and long-term interests. It can be concluded from President Donald Trump's uncontrollable expressions that the traditional tough and benign, agile power cannot stand in the face of that kind of combined power - the introduction of tax hikes is a double-edged sword, such a move can harm the consumers more than the producing countries.

Due to its strategic location, the geometrical complexity of the geo-economic competition for the permanent power of Nepal, which has spent almost half a century lying comfortably in the warmth of sovereignty within the triangular power balance throughout the Cold War, can be considered difficult. Ever of India's Return Planning, Gorkhali Shakhali has undergone borrowing capacity to provide for the home country. There are many things that sell to Nepal with China, not desire to buy. Nepal will have to find a different market for export of goods or services to pay concessional, China's loan. Local businessmen who could not satisfy the near of the same cultural and understanding language are involved in how to plant the burden of the Chinese. Because of long history of the empire, the Chinese do not abide by the power beyond that time. If the permanent power and traditional reophical surveillance voluntar of the Weste, it will not be difficult to reduce their activity. An American Assistant Foreign Minister Donald Lokha, the Government of Nepal has made public the document of BRI cooperation framework. A few days later, experts will also start the issue of the various provisions. It is not appropriate to deal with the management of the implementation. One thing is certainly not allowed by the natural cunning of Nepal by the inspirms of Nepal by the number of Nepalis in a paradise. Public Minister Sharma, who would go to New Delhi after the