Bir Bahadur says, 'those who can digest Akbare chili are sure people of the working class. Because the main spice of the working class is chili. That's why working people say - 'He who doesn't eat bitter doesn't eat sweet.'

How many dishes are decorated on the dining table of the communist leader of Nepal who was brought up by those workers? Do the leaders think about the stomach of the workers who lead themselves to the present position when they eat the dishes with taste or not?

Back then, how did the people who fought for the Communist Party live on half their stomachs? How did you pour all your energy into the party and be proud of being free? Binda Pandey's book - 'Bhuimmanche' is a collection of such touching stories.

But where are those workers? What do you want? Where did the party fail to fulfill his dream? Why have those people who saved the whole party stopped being part of the party's calculations now? Such questions keep coming to her mind, when she starts looking at the chaos that is brewing in the party, the people, class and even the community who have fallen into the party.

She says bitterly - 'Whoever gives lakhs expects crores. Whoever gives crores, he thinks of returning billions. However, the working class who collected that money and helped in rupees only expected that the citizens would be able to work and eat with dignity, that every child would have a good education and easy treatment when sick, and that there would be good governance in the country.' 

He thinks that the Communist Party does not understand the feelings of the people. A party that has been destroyed by its own interests is unable to think - how much can it fulfill the expectations of the people? How much did he try to fulfill the people's desire and selfless expectations? The working class, local activists and 

What was the contribution of the common people (Bhuimmanchhe) who provided shelter to party leaders and workers regardless of risking their lives? The book - 'Bhuimmanche' helps to calm such questions. Pandey has presented the contribution of Bhuyanmanche to the Communist Party on the basis of historical evidence. 

There are many books in the market about the formation of the Communist Party, the role played in bringing about change, and the biographies of various Communist leaders. However, Pandey has dedicated this collection as a tribute to the people who contributed strongly to party building, provided water and nourishment to the party by being like the roots of a tree, supported the party and kept moving towards its aspirations. Pandey has adopted two completely different styles in the

book. The language used while presenting the list of party formation is in line with the official standard Nepali language. 'Bhuimmanche' for whom it is dedicated, is difficult to understand. However, the expressions of the source persons presented in the book are simple and interesting. It seems that the author's bias is reflected in the opinion presented about some events and people in the book. Readers expecting a neutral presence of the author in such places may be disappointed. 

Recalling the occasion when Madhav Kumar became the Prime Minister of Nepal on 11th May 2066, Pandey writes, 'Usually in a parliamentary system, it is a tradition that the leader of the party leads the government. However, breaking that tradition, Jhalnath Khanal, the leader of the party and the leader of the parliamentary party, was left out and became the leader of the government of Nepal, who resigned as the party's general secretary on the grounds of morality after losing two seats in the Constituent Assembly elections. As a result, he had to resign from the post of Prime Minister on June 17, 2067 due to the non-cooperation of his own party even after a year of being the Prime Minister.'  On various pages in the

book, Pandey has not only expressed her strong displeasure towards Madhav Kumar Nepal, but has also criticized her. Rather than analyzing the various reasons for the breakup of the Nepal Communist Party, there is also a place to feel that pointing the finger at a particular leader is the writer's departure from his writing religion.

Foucault said, "History is not a gradual progress towards truth, but rather it is a series of gradual changes of power." Therefore, Foucault says that the inclination towards the people in power in history writing comes in an unknown form.

In this book too, KP Oli is depicted as a heroic figure after taking over the power of the party and the government. Will the attentive reader disagree with this view of the author or stamp his approval? Time will tell. 

According to Stephen Greenblatt, history is a cultural text like literature. History is often influenced by power, the discourses and ways of thinking created by power. However, it is also true that the discourses and thinking styles created by the society also have an impact on the writing of history. The reflection of this saying can be seen in 'Bhuimmanche'.

Most of the data presented in it are based on common people's feelings and their opinions. And, stuck in it are - martyrs who sacrificed their lives for the party, leaders who lost everything, personalities who left their families to lead the party and the people of the ground who stood as shields for the party's leaders-activists - Madhesi, tribals, Dalits and women.

In this book, Pandey uses the style of 'New Historicism' promoted by Stephen Green Walt, breaking the norms of traditional history writing style. In the book, she has included life, society and common man's perspective and experience. So that common people will feel a sense of belonging with the book. 

Whether it is a revolution in the village for a week by just eating satu, or taking away the list of warranted leaders-activists with the intelligence and submitting it to the party, hiding the seized weapons, taking away the arrested leaders-activists from the hands of the police, the experience of those who did 'jailbreak'. These contexts make the book interesting. Reading the

book awakens a profound affection not only for ordinary people, but also for leaders and activists. If the generation after 062/063 would read this book, they would be aware of the struggle and sacrifices made by the leaders for building the republican Nepal that they are enjoying. And the leaders who seem to forget the past in the frenzy of power should also read this book.

He would have known - his well-wishers who shouldered him, provided his daughter to the party to grow up, would have been able to relieve the pain of the ground person. And, he would have understood the pain of Narayan Tharu, who was forced to live in Harwa after his land was taken away from the landlord on the charge of hiding the leader, who has not yet been able to bring the land under his name. 

Democracy came to the country with the suffering and contribution of the people of the land. However, the expected change in people's lives has not come. It seems that socialism that brings shared dreams and happiness to the lives of the poor is yet to come, to all those people.  The

book covers Baldev Shahi, the first person who initiated an organized voice against the Rana regime, to Lakhan Thapa, the first martyr of the Nepali People's Liberation Movement, Chandrashamsher, the then Rana ruler, and Yogamaya, who pressed for social reform. The book contains a detailed description of how the seeds of the communist movement were planted in the minds of young people who went to study in India and how it shaped the dense tree of the Communist Party.