The second legislative convention of CPN-UML is starting from Friday in Godabari, Lalitpur. The political and organizational report to be presented at the convention is passing the agenda of 'Socialism with Nepalese characteristics'. Similarly, the legislation that removed the age limit of 70 years and the provision of two terms in executive positions is proceeding from this legislative convention. CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokharel has said that based on Nepali history, the current situation of Nepali society and its characteristics, we will bring policies and programs to move forward on the socialist path by relying on the people's multi-party democracy.

The debate in this conference will be focused on the principle of implementation of the principle proposed by the then General Secretary Madan Bhandari . The dispute over renewal of former president Vidya Bhandari's membership will also be heated in the convention hall. A detailed interview conducted by Ganga BC with UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel Kantipur

Ganga BC

about the overall political course of action of UML, socialism with Nepalese characteristics that they are trying to implement on the foundation of Jawaj:

party constitution, we have proposed to change two things in the preamble. It seems normal but it will make our movement direction more clear.  What political course is the second legislative convention of CPN-UMA deciding? In the

First, we have been talking about scientific socialism in the language of culture . In the last congress, we talked about preparing the basis of socialism. We said that we will prepare the basis of socialism under the guidance of multi-party democracy of the people . Then, theoretically, it was explained and analyzed in the sense of scientific socialism. Jaws makes three creative uses of Marxism. Later, we accepted the belief that the country should be developed as a creative experiment and development. In this perspective, now socialism should also proceed under the belief that it is based on the characteristics of the country. Socialism with Nepali characteristics is the socialism we build. We have formulated it. In that sense, this political report's concept of socialism will also be different from the traditional concept. This is basically scientific socialism. But it is based on Nepali characteristics in terms of what scientific socialism is like. This is a conclusion under the effort to clarify a kind of party theory and policy in this legislative session. 

Now we are preparing an action plan for the convention on how to proceed. We are preparing an organizational action plan . We are trying to present it as an action plan for building decision-making power. Basically the orientation in the document is the same. 

Secondly, we have been using a slogan since we came to the government in terms of how we will present the matter of preparing the basis of socialism - 'Prosperous Nepal: Happy Nepali' . We also call it national aspiration. Now it is not just an aspiration, it should be defined as a destination. In that sense, it is no longer just a dream, it is now a matter of our responsibility, a matter of duty . Now the work we do should be focused on achieving the goal of 'Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali'. Now it is not appropriate to present it only as an aspiration . In terms of achieving these two issues, we have advanced the issue of building a decisive national power as a party resolution, considering that the present kind of power balance and political structure needs to be changed. We have set the main slogan of the convention as 'Making decisive national power is our resolve, prosperous Nepal, happy Nepali national destination'. It is clear that our documents guide us in this way . We have tried to present the political proposal that we are trying to present, this time based on the analysis of Nepali society. In particular, we have tried to emphasize how Nepali history, Nepali society can be advanced based on the current situation of Nepal and its characteristics.

The theoretical and philosophical basis is Marxism, but our political direction should be determined by analyzing our own social environment and objectively reviewing Nepali society and history. Based on that, we are trying to synthesize it within the belief that the future workload should be decided . This is the basic aspect of the party's political proposal this time. As far as the subject of organizational proposal is concerned, now we have made the basis of the proposal on the subject of decisive power building. We review the work we have done so far in the organizational proposal. We analyze the challenges faced by the party . 

Now we are preparing an action plan for the convention on how to proceed. We are preparing an organizational action plan . We are trying to present it as an action plan for building decision-making power. Basically the orientation in the document is the same. 

How do you use Jawaj to build socialism with Nepali characteristics? How can the general public understand Jawaz ? 

First of all, the main question is how to adopt Marxism. Marxism developed in European society. The trend of blinding the depiction of European society remained in the mass communist movement . In that sense, what is its original theoretical and philosophical aspect is less and what Marx-Engels had to say is more. In the communist movement, that kind of trend continued in the past . The judgment we made when we arrived is also the judgment of the relativity of the society at that time . That thing has changed. What is the basis of the discussion, that is the main thing . In that sense, the kind of theoretical and philosophical recognition that Marxism has adopted as the basis of discussion is the basic aspect. The analysis of Marxism is based on the class struggle and power balance of its society. We have made this a basis . We started thinking from that . 

Another context is the rise of the world communist movement and the recent failure of the Soviet revolution. We say that it is a failure of socialism of the Soviet model. We analyzed it . Why did it fail ? It made an unprecedented contribution to history. Ended the era of colonialism . Changed the tradition of labor exploitation . Capitalism was forced to change . Humanism came forward vocally . In all these things, the Soviet revolution has an important contribution. However, the system that contributed so much and was able to change the Soviet society collapsed. In terms of what caused the collapse, we have a problem understanding the change in people's desires while we naturally cannot assimilate the competition . In the politics of competition, it is easy to understand people's aspirations and desires. 

If we cannot move forward from the politics of competition, then a kind of authoritarianism or bureaucratic society is being built. The Soviet Union fell prey to it and the balance between social development and economic development could not be maintained . The Soviet revolution accelerated social development and the economic system could not be reformed in the same way as people's aspirations and needs increased. In the gap of that matter, the dissatisfaction of the people flared up and socialism was dissolved. Based on this fact, we should be aware in advance that this type of accident does not happen in terms of social transformation of our country . In that sense, if we adopt a policy of achieving superiority based on the initiative of competition, it naturally creates a basis for close connection between the people . Any social system is based on the relationship of the people . We moved forward on the basis of the belief that the long life of those societies is not possible if the close relationship with the people is not maintained . As far as how to understand it in the context of Nepal, the first thing is that while looking at the basic 14 characteristics of Jabaj, people think that the system has adopted a capitalist parliamentary system . But the way we look at it, capitalism used the characteristics developed by the human race for its own interests . Used for class interests .

We want to use those features for the benefit of the working class . Democratic values ​​and methods are not characteristics of capitalism. They are the characteristics of the human race . The capitalist class only uses the characteristics of the human race for the domination of its class .

Jawa's basic view is that the working class can use those characteristics for their liberation and for their domination. On the other hand, in the question of the state system and its leadership, the communists traditionally used the term dictatorship. The limited bourgeoisie defined its rule as democracy . It is not consistent that the working class in the majority presents its dictatorship as authoritarianism.

Actually, the work of establishing dictatorship has been done by the capitalist class . Because they are in the minority . Democracy is the rule by the majority. In that sense, we have been using the traditional jargon of people's dictatorship, state system based on people's dictatorship. That is wrong . In that sense, it should be called the people's state power. If we are trying to build a state power to represent the interests of the majority of the people, we should think in that way . This belief is the belief of Jabz . On the other hand, if we are to achieve superiority based on competition and initiative, and to liberate the working class through our policies and work in favor of their interests, then naturally, the working class should take the direction of building a party that will succeed in the competition .

Before, what was the direction of the party building, but before that, it was believed that the most conscious and advanced people run the party . In other words, only advanced people cannot achieve success in electoral politics . Achieving success requires the support of a wide range of people. In terms of party building, we have made a new approach, which we have been calling Jabz's approach to party building . There are three characteristics of that approach . 

First, the party leader-activist should proceed through a legal process that is continuously approved. You have to move forward from the competition. In the words of Madan Bhandari, activists should not be like supernatural characters in mysterious stories. They must move to a system that is consistently approved by the people. 

Second, the party members who are aware, advanced, and those who want to easily join the Communist Party, are guided by what connects them to the party . As in one geographical area, there is a large number of memberships, while in another geographical area there is a situation of zero . When this happens, public opinion is not affected . In the context of armed revolution, it works. During the Maoist insurgency, almost all political commissars and what they called the Jan Mukti Sena belonged to Rolpa/Rukum . Rolpa/Rukum people used to do activities in any part of the country. That works in war. But that way doesn't work in competitive politics . That's why today the Maoists started returning to their work area . In that sense, this thing is something that the people's multi-party democracy has already absorbed. 

What will our party be like, if we are going to fight, then it is not appropriate to build a party like a military party, if we want to run a government party. The party envisioned by Jobz is different from this . That party is a 'mass based' party. In other words, there is a party of workers who are immersed in the public . Another important principle in the context of party building is the characteristic of 'mass-based cadre' party jobs . To be a 'mass-based' party, the party should reach among all castes, all religions and geographical areas based on certain qualities and standards. It is not enough to focus the

party on one community, one geography . As Rolpa/Rukam workers are being kicked across the country . It is a strong belief that this is not possible in competitive politics. When we adopted this recognition, when the armed movement of Maoists had not started . This is the year 2049 . 

How did that go?

Another aspect of how party committees should be is the hierarchical committee system. The fact that the party should be built on the basis of these characteristics could not go forward even during the time of Madan Bhandari. Madhav Nepal did not understand the importance of that thing. In fact, the current president KP Sharma Oli did the job of presenting the new thinking in the form of a different opinion in the context of party formation in the seventh national convention. However, the convention did not accept . That thing was only accepted at the eighth national convention. The work of creating a party envisioned by Jabz was done only after the eighth national convention. This work was not done even during Madan's lifetime . At that time, our party structure was traditional. 

After the death of Madan Bhandari, those who say that the party did not play any role in the implementation of Jabaj do not seem to understand this fact. I think we should take care of this area . On the other hand, at the time of Madan Comrade, there was only a program. In fact, the Fifth National Congress had only presented Jabaz as a program of the Nepali Revolution. Later we defined it as an original program. Above that program, the party did not enter. This is not only a program, it is a principle that I started the debate in the month of November 2050. People's leader Madan Bhandari died in a mysterious jeep accident on June 3 of the same year. For the first time in the month of November, I prepared a working paper and presented this topic in Akhil's forum. Carrying the same worksheet, Akhil's friends conducted nationwide training on the debate that Jabaj is the principle. While at that time the party leadership could not assimilate that thing . The main leaders of the party had some kind of disagreement about it.

why the controversy to consider Jawz as a principle?

One, Madhav Nepal, who was the leader behind Madan, was feeling torn from Madan's personality. In that sense, he was in such a mood that the more Jabaj is established to build his independent personality, the more I will be weak. It seemed that he disagreed with the establishment of Jabz. Madhav Nepal was in that kind of problem of accepting it as a program but not wanting to go further. Leaders including Jhalnath Khanal were of the opinion that Jabaj was wrong. It was not an easy thing to establish Jabaj within the party from an institutional point of view . There was a greater need to conduct ideological debates and discussions from the outside. Then we tried to establish Jawaj by bringing out a monthly magazine called 'Ekkai Aun Shatabdi'. It may also have worked to establish Jawaj from many dimensions. A booklet was prepared and distributed by me within the trade union education of Gefont to present to Jobs.

At that time, other communists accused Jabz of being revisionist, right-wing. Do you consider Jawaj to be the main basis for bringing UML to this point?

definitely that jaw played more role . This original idea program made the basis for the party to stand firm even in the face of great division and failure. To establish Jabaj, some people discuss that there are few people who understand Madan Bhandari's thoughts in the same spirit. In terms of preparing the original documents of the fifth national convention, political report by Madan Bhandari, program by Bharat Mohan Adhikar, tactics by KP Sharma Oli, party constitution by Madhav Nepal were prepared. Dissatisfied with the program prepared by Bharat Mohan, Madan Bhandari wrote himself, which we understand as Jabaj. The strategy written by KP Sharma Oli was passed as it is. In that sense, the political documents say that KP Sharma Oli has the ability to keep company with Jawaj, to present ideas in harmony with the spirit of that time.

On the other hand, after the mysterious death of the then General Secretary Madan Bhandari, now we naturally tried to use Madan Bhandari's popularity, his sacrifice, as a basis for building the party. At that time, we used one word - let's turn grief into power. On the basis of that, after the CPN-UML became the main party in 2005, the foundation was prepared for us to enter the government. The former communists never thought of forming a government before the revolution. After forming the government before the revolution, how to run the government? After all, neither Marx wrote it, nor Lenin wrote it . A wide discussion started within the party about running that government. 

What was that debate ?

Two thoughts came to mind at that time . One idea we call the Strategy of Power Accumulation . Another idea is what we call the strategy of progressive reform. Comrade KP Sharma Oli prepared the draft strategy of power accumulation. Vamdev Gautam drafted the progressive reform work . This is the main contention of the Sixth Congress of 2054. In that, the power accumulation strategy presented by KP Oli from the convention was passed. The strategy of progressive reform presented by Vamdev Gautam has failed . The type of strategy we are adopting is the strategy of this time. When we were in government, we played a role in revising the strategy of what to do and achieved new heights . At the time of the Sixth National Congress, a kind of contradiction had already started within the party.

especially Vamdev Gautama appeared as one of the sides of the conflict. He wanted to remove Madhav Nepal from the leadership. KP Oli believed that it is wrong to change the leadership differently from the process.

It was said that it is not appropriate to change the leadership between Hardam and KP Oli. It is seen from time to time. In a way, it is not only about the time of the 2054 dispute, but after the incident of 19th January 2061, when Jhalnath Khanal tried to replace the General Secretary Madhav Nepal, he took a stand that KP Oli should not change the leadership while he was in jail. We can also understand from that . At that time, Madhav Nepal had organized a meeting to prepare the document for the sixth national convention. Madhav Nepal, KP Oli, Vidya Bhandari and I joined in that meeting. A residential meeting was held at Hattivan Resort . In that meeting, I proposed to establish Jawaz as a principle . It was natural that KP Oli and Vidya Bhandari would agree on that. However, Madhav Nepal said "now is not the time". He did not want to enter into a debate about whether it is right or wrong in the question of opinion. But it's not time to just say . Later, Vamdev Gautama came to know about our debate from somewhere, he had prepared to present Jabaj as a principle in a different opinion document. After that, Madhav Nepal must have received Vamdev's documents from somewhere . Madhav Nepal called again and said that Vamdev will present Jabaj as a principle, we have to do it too. Then he called Raghu Pant and me and said, 'You should discuss and formulate a formula to advance Jabaj as a principle. 

Raghu Pant was an advocate of social democracy at that time. There was a difference in understanding the jaws . However, he agreed that the party should accept after passing the bill. We had a long discussion and agreed to use a 'compromise' language. We said that it is a language developed as a leadership idea. Jabz is in the sixth national convention of climbing a ladder. whose language was thought leadership . But who has been the most helpful in terms of developing Jawaj? It sounds strange . Jhalnath Khanal was not arrested on January 19, 2061. He was informed that he was going to the party office from home. After I came to know that, I arranged to stop him from going to the party office and take him to a safe place . Because leadership had to be preserved to advance the movement. We started an anti-regression movement . After that, he naturally aspired to take leadership . At that time, I told him, "If UML wants to lead the party, it is not by disobeying Jabaj, but if you can assimilate Jabaj, the party ranks will accept you as a leader." If you are not able to assimilate Jabaj, you may become a technical leader but you cannot become a real leader.' Over time, he was ready to carry Jabaj. In the eighth national convention of the party, Jhalnath Khanal is the presenter of the document that presents Jawaj as a guiding principle. Lately, I see that Jhalnath has been debating when his relevance has ended . How can the self-presentation and relevance be made?

The first thing is that the development of Nepal's communist movement made him positive towards the competition. For example, the first municipal election was held in Kathmandu. CPN participated, achieved success. CPN also joined in the parliamentary elections of 2015. However, at that time, the CPN was caught in a serious conflict. The majority party believed that elections should not be held without the election of the Constituent Assembly. But finally decided to go to the polls . Going to the election in that ambivalent state of mind, it won only four seats . Then panchayati system spread in Nepal . After the spread of the panchayat system, the movement went through a long cycle on how to proceed. Agitate while traveling. Armed protest. Since 2043, the policy of using panchayat elections, using them in the name of people's party candidates has been adopted as many practices have been going on since the underground movement. That policy became very lively and effective in opposing and vandalizing the Panchayat within the National Panchayat. It played a role in expanding the movement at once. It would not have been possible to release Rajbandi if the representatives had not reached the National Panchayat as a people's party. I think - the possibility of 2046 people's movement would have been less . Change is possible on that foundation. On the one hand, the Soviet Union was dissolved. The relationship of the party with the people was broken . The conclusion was that lack of competition is the main reason for breaking the relationship with the people. When totalitarianism prevailed within the Communist Party, what was Jawaj's role in UML?

It is something he has to think about when he has become the president. But, naturally, those who try to weaken the UML will play a role in fueling the conflict!

Another thing is that even within the autocratic system in Nepal, the analysis that the power gained through political competition helped to destroy the panchayat was prepared in the Nepalese society . The 2043 People's Party election also made the point that elections are a means of connecting with the people.

In this perspective, the awareness that competition is necessary within us was made possible by the synthesis of international experience and our own movement. Talking about our history, we have the history of the union states during the Buddhist period before the western capitalist democracy was ready. The system of election was adopted in Kapilvastu. Some people say that this election is a capitalist system. Even before the development of capitalism, the process of election had already started in the Buddhist society. Parliament was at that time . In that sense, the subject of parliament and election is actually a traditional thing of Nepali society.

We can read in Buddhist literature that there was a system of elections when there was a dispute. Consciousness is what is developed during the development of society. It created a foundation of originality for the policies we adopted. 

Do you think that the UML minority government of 2051 started policies and programs based on the principles of Jabaz?

At that time, the Communist Party took the policy of establishing a social security and public welfare state. It is a basis for building your policy in favor of the basic class. Let's use this policy on the elderly . Communism was shown to be distorted in Nepali politics. Illusions such as "they kill the elderly after reaching 60 years of age", "you cannot live with your family" were created. Before that, no socialist country was like that. However, in a way, the Congress and the former Panchas brought wrong things to the media in Nepali society. What we have come to the conclusion is that it is not only politically correcting the accusations against the Communists, but if we start the use of social security allowance through old age allowance, two things will be possible at once . A communist tradition of helping the helpless should start with the elderly. It will end the attack on the Communists. We started that work to solve two issues at once . As a concept of rural development, we adopted the policy of 'Let's make our own village'. This program was guided by the feeling that it should be shown by working through public transportation. There was not much money in the program "Let's make our own village". There was a program to give a total of three lakh rupees in the village. Public participation in this was a kind of extraordinary event. At that time, we formed a commission to solve the problem of landless squatters and distributed land parcels to 60/70 thousand families in a very short time . In fact, we presented an example of how communists are working in favor of the poor at that time. We got a chance to present the budget for the year 2052 . By bringing the full budget, we have launched a balanced development campaign . 

We adopted the policy of giving nine programs in each constituency. That is the foundation of today's rural development. The foundation of the kind of change that is taking place in the rural areas of Nepal today is the balanced development campaign of 'Let's build our own village' and 'Nau S'. That alone made all this possible . In a very short time, those programs were established. 

UML has put forward a policy to move forward on the path of socialism with Nepali characteristics in the legislative convention. What is the relationship between jaws?

I see confusion among those who call themselves revolutionary about what revolution is. I don't see that the leaders of the Communist Party have been able to properly define what revolution is. It seems that revolution is being used more in the sense of political change. Political change is revolution. Total revolution has its own theory . What we call a total revolution . That revolution will change the era . A change of era means a change in production relations . On the other hand, there is a change of class power under the leadership of state power.

Changes in production relations, changes in state power and class leadership . If these two things happen, it is a revolution. We have the explanation that the political power has changed, the revolution has been completed. The main aspect of the revolution is the change of production relations . Which we consider to have changed the era . 

That is why Marxism defines primitive communism, slave era, feudal era, capitalist era . The political revolution we have completed is a change in class power. The political revolution since 2007 has not brought any changes in the production relationship. Only the political system has changed. In that sense, the change of a political system is different from the political change we have. That is not a change in the production relationship within the Marxist approach . That class is not a change of power . The change of the system is . Power passed from one class to another. In what form it went, it went systematically. From the old system of government to the new system of government . A political system has changed . The change in 2046 was roughly the same. It also changed systemically . Panchayats were replaced by a multi-party system, but it could not bring about changes in the production relations of the society, nor could it bring about significant changes in the political leadership . Arriving in 2062/063 opened the door to changes in production relations . Which we can understand as the revolution of the transition from feudalism to capitalism . But it did not bring a change in the leadership of the class power. Feudal leadership was replaced . The political revolution of Nepal could not solve the question of which class should be brought to the leadership of the state power. This is the biggest complication of today's infection. In world revolutions, one class usually dominates . But with us two classes joined the revolution with equal status . In that sense, no one dominated . Elections are the means of establishing class supremacy. Periodic elections are the means to complete the Nepalese revolution. In other words, looking at the context of the two aspects of our revolution, one aspect was changed by the political revolution. The change of 2062/063 is therefore more important than any other revolution. But even this revolution has not been able to solve the question of leadership like the revolution of the world. That hall is done by periodic elections.

Periodical elections are being held but the leadership could not be established as you said?

The results of the periodic elections have not yet become the type of establishing the leadership of class power. The majority of any political party could not be guaranteed. Without that, the state power of any class will not be maintained . The leadership that changes in 6/6 months does not depict class power . This is the complexity of our society. That is, two classes joined together in the political revolution . State power has not been dominated by one class. The results of the election have not been able to give a mandate to focus the interests of any class.

It is said that it is impossible for any party to get a majority through the current electoral system. is not like that. I don't see it as impossible if we correct our weaknesses. Because, when the Maoist and UML merged, the majority came. In other words, when building strength within one party, the majority comes, right? There is one aspect, if we change the 'threshold' of proportionality, we can get a majority even within the current system . From the beginning, I have been saying that the 'threshold' is low, which is creating instability. For example, we say that it has become more unstable in our province . 1.5 percent has made way for a proportional gain from why that happened . Instability is bound to happen. In the Union, we have made a 3 percent threshold . Hence there is volatility . The direction of our political change has not progressed towards a destination as it should. Sometimes we abuse the leader, sometimes we abuse whom. Where there is a problem, we have not entered.

After the National Assembly election that will be held in four to five months, the ruling party will become stronger. Elections are held in 19 seats in the National Assembly, when two parties combine, they can usually get the seats .

What percentage threshold is reasonable in a proportional system ? 

should also have a minimum 5 percent threshold hold . If that happens, the number of national parties will decrease . Proportional seats are obtained only by those who are national parties . That is the definition of our constitution. The more parties are national parties, the more proportional seats are allocated . Proportional seat distribution means even if the direct majority is brought, the proportional may not lose the majority . The other is that we can change the kind of mixed election system we have and include inclusion within the direct election system. This can be another option, which can provide a basis for stability . There should be a consensus between the political parties on what option to go for. For this too, constitutional amendment is necessary.

Although there was an agreement between Congress and UML to amend the constitution for political stability, it could not proceed, why?

We are politically in agreement with the constitution amendment . Practically there are some complications. The first thing is that the parties outside the power are not ready to discuss the question of the constitution honestly. The parties in power are in a strong position in the House of Representatives. They are in a weak position in the National Assembly. After the National Assembly election which will be held in four to five months, the ruling party will become stronger. Elections are held in 19 seats in the National Assembly, when two parties combine, they can usually get the seats . After the National Assembly is adapted, it will be able to become a basis to take even the other parties into confidence. The 'review' of this constitution will proceed with a bit more intensity. 

The political report passed by the legislative convention, the state of amending the legislative national convention again . It appears to be in effect for a short time . When will the national convention for leadership selection be held? 

really says that our membership was a little problem in renewal in Neckpaks and nbsp;.. The Maoists increased unnaturally and nbsp;. Here are the problem after we ranked the member that we should now increase in the name that they should balance it. It was said that the old members of the party partition will be kept and NBSP;. We maintained the membership in the case of the activists & NBSP;. As a result, the membership was a little more and nbsp;. We ran the purification of the party membership membership election after the 2079 elections and nbsp;. At that time we take a member of material presence and NBSP;. Self was self-renewed while subscribing to the physical appearance and renewed membership and Nbsp;. Because of that, membership renewal is reduced and nbsp;. At that time, about 500,000 were members of the member member. But the last time member has increased in number & nbsp; 5 Now our memberships now reached the house of about 6 million, and Nbsp;. The members now increase by 30 percent now than after the last year and Nbsp ;. In our own history, there are most of the most membership renewal in the same period of renewing this period and Nbsp;. & Nbsp; led convention is no policy to keep the transition long after the legislation has made new policy. Must end in a short period as possible and nbsp;. However, this subject is the subject of the central committee and nbsp;. is that the national committee implemented, that national general convention is behind and Nbsp ;... We may not take a long time & nbsp;. We have not fixed any policy of the leadership General convention, but Nbsp after the legislation construction has been made a new policy. Must end in a short period as possible and nbsp;. However, this subject is the subject of the central committee and nbsp;. Can be proceeded on the basis of the decision of the central committee (NBSP;. The process begins with the process of selecting the National General Convention and Nbsp ;. The National Legislation Short Procedure is difficult for the short process and nbsp;. It's at least three, four months ago and Nbsp ;. The number of numbers who renewed the Santi-BREAK UML subscribed is dropped out and nbsp;?

we are trying to go towards the provision of two types of members of the party, and Nbsp ;. It was already & nbsp; 5 We were a little 'connectivity' in the case of saving the party, 047 BS & NBSP;. Later we issued the party entrance as we increased the pressure of the pain and nbsp;. We arranged for two types of membership and again we subscribe to the same kind of membership? Now the party has reached the idea of ​​forming decisive power and go to two types ofire-preparing propaine in 084, nbsp;... A member, the other, the organized member & nbsp;. The organized member must be organized on some of the party in some of the party & Nbsp ;. As a member of the party supporter, I will not get a commissioner for a concession of a CPN-UML supporter. The norm is customary for the common member in virginity of customs and nbsp; 5 His integrity to the party requires and nbsp;... Without the party's loyalty, a member of the party does not allow and nbsp;. & Nbsp; The Bhandari Vidya Bhandari is growing in the middle of the Branchise and NBSP in the Bhandari and Chairman KP Sharma Oli while approaching the Genesis Legency Running Rooms.

is uncomfortable when establishing some new recognition or nbsp;. Because, we did not receive the President of the President in the past & Nbsp ;. The first time received the President & nbsp; 5 After that was vacation from the role of the President, it was new for the party & nbsp;. In that sense, a person who has done to return to the party again is revealed a type of contradiction between an established person and party decisions, and Nbsp ;. However, it establishes a price and system for the future and nbsp ;. Currently Curved problem is the problem of building & nbsp; 5 If the problem is to escape, we cannot build the system and NBSP;. Some uncomfortable to build a party system, but the party establishes a system in a price and system;. & Nbsp;

Barley Vice President Vikrapatri Laws have written 'Note Office' and Nbsp ;.. How is this controversy now and NBSP;?

they (sides of the text) should be considered the method now! They said that we will discuss the legislation and Nbsp;. After the discussion, he reaches a decision and Nbsp ;. Then there is no very debate again! N & NBSP to prohibit different votes within the

UML;?

is only ridiculed them and nbsp;. Our legislations get to keep at the related convention and NBSP;. The same thing in the party regulations is that the same thing is that Nbsp ;. It has not come to the forum, which has different opinion & Nbsp ;. You are made public that they have vote differently and Nbsp ;. They are talking about & nbsp; 5 Why is the party virgin, and & nbsp.? No & Nbsp ;. But instead of keeping you how to keep it, keep the decision on the forum. The forum to decide is not coming & Nbsp ;. It's too much to say that we do not get differently & nbsp;. If we didn't get, he had to say in the method and Nbsp;. In a different opinion, it is a method of discussion in a different opinion that he opens a different opinion, he can discuss the convention and nbsp;. & Nbsp; Sleeping by leaders that the membership of

Vidya is reflected and Nbsp ;. How much is that possibility & nbsp;? & Nbsp;

president has been revealed a type of anti-party decision and nbsp;. However, it establishes a price and system for the future and nbsp ;. Currently Curved problem is the problem of building & nbsp; 5 If the problem is to escape, we cannot build the system and NBSP;. that's what they say and nbsp;. The beliefs of the party is that it is a matter of establishing system and nbsp;. It is not a matter of membership & NBSP;. What was subject to a general member, it was normal for it & nbsp;. You need to find if someone established by the leader should be membership and not. But because he was a president, the membership is in a dispute! If there is no President, it is normal to be subscribed for and nbsp;. This is due to the president, this topic is a matter of discussion and Nbsp ;. In that sense, no other leader activist has been debated in relation to the renewal renewal and the NBSP;? No! Any other leader-cadres have just said that my membership is not renewed my membership, and & NBSP;? Stopping the role of

why the subject of he (steward) is the subject of the central committee, he is a person who has reached the party in a respective place and Nbsp ;. What to do in that respected place is what to do about the person reached to a respectful place and nbsp;. Some say that - the constitution does not deceive and NBSP;. The constitution has been barred in establishing its system of the party, and & NBSP;? No & Nbsp ;. In this sense, we want to establish a valuation and system that the party establishes its recognition. We are also close to many things that have not been broken by the constitution and nbsp;. Each voter has given every voter right to have a candidate, but we make criteria for party candidates for being a party candidate? The criteria formed by the constitution is not enough for us & nbsp;. The party makes his criteria & nbsp;. & Nbsp;

I made a method of not receiving the other notion that we have once a time we got once in the same time. Emel is his recognition, there is your standard; UML is the party of worshiping the way for democracy and methodology. The Maoists took the vice president by taking the vice-president and NBSP;. Maoist standard is not the Maoist standard for Nepal's democracy and NBSP;. Is the party learning democracy & nbsp; 5 The party who establish democracy and establish system of methods is the UML, Congress, and Nbsp;. & NBSP; The membership is not brought to the dispute after the Bhandari Vidya Bhandari is ready to lead

Party and NBSP;? & NBSP;

may seem strange to you, as Linguiar was being proposed as President, and said, 'Don't eat a match between your age and the role of the president's role and nbsp;. Don't go and nbsp;. It feels uncomfortable & nbsp; 'says me. The way we enable a symalle of the nation can only live in oneself alone with people with extraordinary moral values? Must stay & nbsp;. In a way, we like the virgin households, a virgin,;. '& Nbsp; I knew if it was difficult for people to go to the valley of

's price and NBSP;. I told him, 'Don't be suitable for you & NBSP;' But he said, 'daughters say that, and NBSP;. You also say the same and NBSP;. But, I have made the mind of being presidant. The chairman proposed this, I have said that I am and NBSP;. Now I have got to go to the presidency and Nbsp;. '& NBSP;

Brandri Verandi also thinks that external forces are inspiring the steward to the active politics now and NBSP;?

person is no longer aspiration that what what says who says to what does what says is the meaning of what he said is and & NBSP;? The main thing is that his desire is the main thing and Nbsp ;. He wanted to be active & nbsp;.. In fact, he would want it, it was something that he has to think and NBSP;. But, naturally, those who try to weaken the UML will play a role in fueling the conflict! In today's deposition, the 'provoke' through Social Media is the forms & Nbsp ;. Even so he should be able to understand that such things and Nbsp ;.

is the reason why the Sharma Oli, Chairman KP Sharma Oli is because of the loss of politics to come and demolume now and nbsp;?

Madan Bhandari Foundation Foundation is still the party chairman and Nbsp ;. The chairman said that this foundation is not made by the party, it has said that discusses / debating the appointment of Jose, and Nbsp; 5 He (Oli) has said yesterday & nbsp ;. As soon as the party was not a situation to debate openly in Jail, we have made or nbsp. That is why the foundation has been made by the Foundation after discussing the environment in the party. It is wrong to say that this statement opposed to the foundation and nbsp;. On the other hand, the Foundation is now based against political aspirations based on the political aspirations of commerces, based on the campaign! In that sense, there was no difference and nbsp in the favor of the foundation zeal. But now the party thinks that it starts connecting a political aspirations of a comedial political aspirations of a comedaria and nbsp;? Don't assume! & Nbsp;