1,558 families in Nuwakot and 718 families in Rasuwa are still cultivating the land. Although it has been 65 years since the abolition of Birta was declared by law, they have not been able to register the Birta land in their names. "Kantipur" is writing a series of reports about Birta-Vyatha. According to land rights activist Jagat Deuja, Birta is a continuation of the terrible injustice imposed on farmers for centuries. Deuja has been active in land movement and campaign for three decades.

Deuja, who has served as an expert member of the land-related problem solving commission, a member of the government's public and private land study committee, and a member of the Birta study committee created by the government, is currently a member of the government's Federal Land Use Council.

Deepak Sapkota of Kantipur had a conversation with him about Nepal's return problem, land reform and the condition of the landless :  In the on-site study of Kantipur, it appears that about 4 thousand 957 ropani in Nuwakot and 2 thousand 389 ropani in Rasuwa are under land ownership. After the eradication in Nepal in 2016, the problem is still the same and severe. Why is there anyone in the republic? 

Birta practice was a strong foundation for sustaining the exploitation and injustice of the society at that time. More than one-third of the arable land was under Birtawal. Birtawal used to live the life of Ace with the dog he got from Mohi. The Birta Abolition Act was promulgated in 2016 to end such unjust situation. Even after 65 years after the abolition was announced, it is a sad matter that the Birta custom still exists in Rasuwa, Nuwakot and other districts close to Kathmandu. Even today, around 5,000 farmer families are not able to claim their ancestral land as their own. Illegal Birtawals and their middlemen are threatening to buy or leave the land. Formally, they are not able to share, sell and distribute. The government should distribute the land of Birtawal to the hardworking farmers.

Birtawal did not consider Birta abolition good. How to prevent the land from being owned by farmers. Farmers who had to be automatically registered in the name of land earners were charmed. Birtawala registered his name with the landlord. Some lands were not allowed to be registered. The staff supported Birtawal to do this. Even the farmers who earned the land did not have good knowledge about the law. Even in the bureaucracy, there is a tendency to rejoice over problems. There are malpot and surveyor offices in the districts that have problems of transportation. They should take a formal initiative on how to solve this problem, but they are always avoiding the problem. 

Is the work of land surveyors and land surveyors only to divide the land? Shouldn't there be an interest in the protection of the land, the security of the real acreage on the land? It is necessary to revise the restructuring and mandate of these offices. 

There are many problems of the farmers who are plowing the Birta land.

The problem cannot be solved without amending the Birta Act and regulations. By amending the regulations, the farmers who are plowing the land should be called upon to submit an application within three months to all the land office with the recommendations and available evidence. After the study the size and nature of the problem is known. And by making necessary amendments to the law, the land should be registered in the name of the concerned farmer on the basis of enjoyment. 

What to do with the land that Birtawal has registered and transferred to his share?  The nature of the

space was different. A legal provision was made to register such land for the Birtawal who cultivated the land himself. Birtawal, who does not cultivate himself, usually collects the land and eats it. He is not allowed to register the land. Birtawal, who does not cultivate himself, has registered the land and taken it away, it is illegal. Illegal registration should not be recognized. Birtawal also does not know which of the remaining Birta lands in Rasuwa, Nuwakot and other districts belong to him. In such Birta land, the farmer's shareholding should be registered in the name of the farmer. 

You have been involved in the land rights campaign for a long time. How much progress is there in land reform in Nepal? 

Land reform efforts have been started since the 2007 revolution. From 2008 onwards, Mohi Lagat was started. In 2016, the practice of birta, where birtawals eat tiro without paying taxes to the state, was legally abolished. The Land Act of 2021 ended the zamindari regime. This abolished the power of land administration vested in the local zimidar or mukhiya. About 40,000 Mohi families became landowners when the land was distributed.

Long campaigns and legal reform efforts have increased women's ownership of land. Apart from these partial reforms, the specific objectives of land reform have not been achieved. Although the ruling power of the landlords has decreased, the effects of feudal land relations remain. Such as Birta, Harwa, Charwa, landlessness are some examples of this. "Whose land is his vessel" means ensuring the land to the farmer. There is no progress worth mentioning in this regard. Despite the demarcation, the situation of unequal land distribution has not been reduced. Compared to other countries with land reform, we have not been successful. We have failed to bring the land under productive power and do social justice. 

So, has land reform failed in Nepal?

Land reform as I understand it is redistribution of land. Part of redistribution is to protect access and ownership of land for historically disadvantaged classes, at least for 'housing and farming'. Basically land reform can also be understood as land to farmers. If we look at the situation of accumulation of land in the non-agricultural class, widespread landlessness, eviction and many other issues related to land, it can be said that land reform has failed in our country.

Some government land was distributed but it did not make any difference in the power structure as there was no distribution of land beyond the zamindar's limit. With a few exceptions, none of the efforts have yielded meaningful results. But by saying this, the rationale and possibility of land reform is not over. There is no alternative to land reform, sooner or later, in different forms for the advancement of the economic and social sectors. 

You mean every family needs land? 

The dream of a Nepali is to build a house on his own land. We cannot underestimate this either. Looking at it like this, everyone wants the land needed to build a house. Those who do not cultivate do not need land other than housing. Redistribution does not mean equal distribution of land to all. It is to provide the necessary land to the farmers and ensure the position of doing agriculture safely. 

What is the status of arable land distribution in Nepal?

66 percent of economically active households are involved in agriculture. 57.3 percent employment is provided by agriculture sector. About 28 percent of the total land area is arable. The average land holding size has shrunk to 0.53 hectares. Out of 41 lakh 30 thousand 791 land owners, 63.79 percent have less than half a hectare of land.

There are 33.33 percent who have half a hectare to 2 hectares of land and 2.79 percent who have 2 to 5 hectares of land and only 0.19 percent who have more than 5 hectares of land. About 3 lakh families are landless. Half of the farmers' families do not have enough to eat from their produce. A large class of cultivators do not have their own land. A large amount of arable land is owned by non-cultivating land owners, community bodies, schools, universities, institutes, etc. 

How effective was the demarcation in Nepal? 

restrictions were only announced, not implemented. It was estimated that 900,000 bighas of land would be distributed to farmers from the 2021 limit, but only 43,000 bighas were sold and distributed. There is no definite record of that either. The zamindar divided the land among his family and relatives and settled the land within the limits. The land remained within the landlord's family and did not go to the mohi or the landless. For the second time in the year 2058, the limitation on land was reduced. But it could not be implemented even after 23 years of the new delimitation. From this the state could not acquire even a single piece of land. It can be taken as a bad example of how laws that affect the powerful are ineffective. 

What is the status of landlessness in Nepal? 

There is still no definite record of the landless. The Land Commission established since 2077 is working to determine the cost of landless and unorganized residents. Some local levels have already prepared a systematic register of the landless. Analyzing the applications submitted to the land commissions, it can be estimated that there are about 3 lakh families who are landless squatters across the country. The mountain of injustice, deprivation and poverty faced by the landless is huge. Most of them have to live on unprotected land. Even to get government services, they have to complete more procedures than those who own land. They have to be deprived of the financial facilities they get by keeping the land mortgage. Education, health, livelihood, social status are all weak. 

Why have the commissions created to address the problem of landlessness not been successful? 

There are many reasons for this. Lack of strong political will is the first reason. A commission will be formed, but there is a lack of legal basis, manpower, and resources necessary for the commission to complete its work. Apart from a few who go to the commission, a large number have not been able to resolve the problem. Some of them lack experience.

The commission has not been able to be effective even as the commission is not able to work for the entire period specified. There is a lack of coordination among government agencies. The problem of the landless was taken lightly. There is also distrust between the officials and the staff of the commission and due to this, cooperation is weak. However, the legal basis of the commissions formed in the last 3/4 years is somewhat stronger. Local, state and federal governments have formed a framework for working together. 

Based on your long experience and studies on land, what are the burning questions about Nepal's land? 

Landlessness has deepened inequality in society. Even the Mohiani right provided by the Land Act, 2021 could not be fully implemented. Dual ownership was ended without Mohiani rights being given to the Bedartawal Mohis who had cultivated the land for hundreds of years. About 400,000 registered Mohis were also evicted by giving nominal land or money. To be completed within two years in 2053 means that Mohi distribution has not been completed for 28 years. The Mohiani reforms did not bring land into the hands of the cultivator. On the contrary, land was taken away from Mohi. Guthi's land is not owned by the cultivator. Abuse is high. 

Absenteeism is high even as zamindari has decreased. About 20 percent of arable land is unutilized. There has been no significant change in the status of land-dependent families, Dalits, former agricultural relatives, tribals. Instead, even if there was a lot of land, they have reached a situation of losing it. Although land turnover has increased dramatically, ownership remains concentrated around the powerful and non-agricultural. Moreover, with the growing corporatization in agriculture, the small productive forces are being deprived even from farming in Andhiya or Bataiya.

Political parties have been continuously raising the issue of land reform for seven decades. After the political change, those parties also reached the government, but what is the reason for land reform? 

Yesterday, during the revolution, political parties raised the issue of land reform. Now the issue of land reform is overshadowed. Instead of land reform, issues such as land management, chaklabandi, and modernization of agriculture have been brought forward. Although there have been general reform efforts at the time when the political party came to power, there has been no intensive debate on this issue within the party. In the past, the person, group or community who owned most of the land became the ruler.

Even today, the main part of people who have become influential in politics, economics, etc. is that class. They especially do not want to leave the land, they argue if the issue of land reform is raised. A conscious movement for land reform in the form it should have, did not happen. Instead of getting production from the sustainable use of the land, the land itself was made a subject of trade like a commodity. The legal system was not implemented. Delimitation declaration was just like telling the land owner to settle the land within the delimitation. Registrant Mohi was dismissed. Due to lack of political commitment, collusion between landlords and bureaucrats, land reform has been hampered. 

What improvements have been made at the policy level?

The main provisions of the Land Act-2021 included termination of liability, mohiani rights and limitation provisions. Among them, it seems that the system of termination of responsibility has been implemented as a whole. The provision and limitation of Mohiani Haq was only partially implemented. The achievement that should come from that did not come. 

The constitution has committed to ending feudalism through land reform. Landless Dalits have been assured the right to land for housing and agriculture. In the interest of the farmers, the issue of ending the dual ownership of the land is also in the constitution. Landless squatters, Kamaiyas, Haliyas, Kamalaris, Harwa, Charwa are said to be provided with land for housing and livelihood or employment when it is not available.

National Land Policy 2075 has been applied. Which has given the first time to identify informal land use. It has been formulated by formulating soo losing policy policy and act. There is also a modified in the landing Act. Positive initiatives also have taken place for the ownership of women's ownership in the land. Explanatory practices of paralysis, Harwa, Karwa, Kamalri, Kamaiya has been ended at the end of the receptive process. But because of his impossible implementation is not a result. & Nbsp;

Breed-Breaking Workers' Declaration Redemption was declared but still not rehabilitating is getting ready? & NBSP;

is left to rehabilitate chiya rehabilitation. Haliya rehabilitation is incomplete. Status of remarkable progress after the time of salvation is overwhelmed by the situation that is not a parent. Harva, Praja Dhali was announced, but not taken even the data. Since housing and lands cannot be rehabilitated, salvation is important in some respects. Even a person who is independent from bondage can make a lot of progress in his own efforts. For every day, after the worker, they have started getting free wage of daily services while working as workers. Doesn't it have a case of land and land in us? & NBSP; Since the base of the

land and the agricultural food system is the base of land and agriculture, land reform and relevance is not going to decline. After access to land and gender care of gearcology is moved. And, secure can cultivate. The basic goal of the land reform is the growth and social justice. Since the participation of agricultural production and productivity increases in food production and income to food security and income. & Nbsp;

will help unit to support capital buildings, especially the development of capital, industry, tourism and service sector. For example, after 10 percent in El Salvador, the per capita inclement income increased by 4 percent of the country's total population. Redument in the states that rapidly was reduced, there was landsome. The land was converted into the family farming by ending landlords in

Ethiopia. From this, the poverty rate of Ethiopia is intensified and increased by the increase by per capita income. Big farming in China, from 1977 to 1985, distributed millions of families from the economic deprivation. & Nbsp;

land reform can change the ownership of unequal lands, labor and production relations and labor labor. Labor farmers can be saved from poverty, exploitation, and discrimination that we face. भूमिसुधारको माध्यमबाट तुरुन्तै जोताहा गरिब, भूमिहीन, हरवा, चरवा, हलिया, कमैया, कृषि श्रमिकलाई कम्तीमा साना किसान बनाउन सकिन्छ । Their food security can be ensured. If it comes, they can produce food and other services that they need independently.

s can also participate in education, health, other enterprises business, policy making, policy making, policy processing. Those who are debilitated by land and demand has become irrelevant. But what to eat they did not cultivate? They have never thought of where to avoid preventing the ground. The land and the land is even more important.

is relevant and NBSP; if the land reform can be made in the transfusion and nbsp; can be made and nbsp; & nbsp;

a farmer's movement of farmers and now is different. At that time, the land was about almost all family membership. Now other opportunities are also present. Objective evaluation of the latest position of the land reform is required. Now, how much land to cultivate a farm can be available for once, providing a long period of time available. Since

is a variety of geography and climate, not the same policy or system is not practical. The new land law is needed at the federal level, but that is not enough. In analyzing the state of land, agriculture, agriculture, agriculture, agriculture, and farmer, should be analyzed by the analysis of land, agriculture and farmers at each local level. Self Government of landless, farmers and Nbsp; in the center. The land remains a double-type of ownership system for the end of

s. Therefore, there is a strategy to end absent system. Dalit, landless squatters, ted-knot workers, jooders who want to work in agriculture and small farmers, we need to move them into the center and move them into the center. Handomination and agricultural reform is complementing each other. Therefore, land and agriculture needs to be placed on the same institutional regulation. Land reform and rural development should be taken together. The legal structure recognizing the employee controlled land administration is narrowing a legal structure recognition to community-based basis and agricultural management.

has now issued the government regarding the ground ordinance. What does this difference of land? The

has come to an ordinance to untiminate the difficult eye while he realizing landless and disorganized habitats. The subject is not new. It is learned to further the subject referred to the Land April. For example, ten years ago, there was no landless located in forest zones, while the record were living landless in forest zonies, while the law could be provided once such land landsin. Now to make it clearly reflex and NBSP;

is looking for. In the context of landwill, years ago in the archive sectors of the Archives, the legal way in the year and Nbsp; Bathless will also be opened with more clearly. & NBSP;

is implemented, from this, will be facilitated in security of land-ownership of land being pregnant. Now it is also a revision in rules. Many subject depends on what arrangement is. When providing land to the marginal level, it will be made sense to be available at a minimum of the fixed area and the land would be provided to social justice. It is also institutionalized by the injustice if provided only the blanks of the empty air. Therefore, it is necessary to provide land in planned land in a planned manner. & NBSP; What suggests the current government and political parties to the current government and the political parties on the basis of working problems in the

in the past. The

is damaged by the economic cause of the country, unemployment and food dependence. Vya Road Nepal cannot be made without converting the agricultural sector. Transformation of agricultural sector is connected to land reform. An efforts to move the agony of the universe without giving a question of land, not also has been successful. In order to take some land landless and small farmer, there is still a situation to take some land landless and small farmers from extremism.

is being used but lands without being able to maintain ownership is also a situation where millions can be protected. Vikar, Self-tense, Bitauri, Koda, is necessary to solve all the problems of all the problems, including Kulwal. & Nbsp;

current government should create an integrated land law by holding on to a new constitution. Kutging law must be brought. All stakeholders may need dergential dialogue for this. Now it is not in the old lock of the old land. It is important to be deeply analyzed by deep analyzing the current environment and bring a new land Act by forming a new land Act. The

Land Commission must be empowered to solve the overall land problem. It is still presentation to make arrangements for land to cultivate agriculture or other other strategies that hold the agriculture of agriculture. The work of planning the classification and systematic geops of land should be promoted as a campaign. We need to ban land non-controlled, overseas occupations and non-registered. & Nbsp; The implementation of

lands and constitution would have been better to have a great understanding between the political parties. It has been a long way of pledging lands. As it is not fulfilled, the deprive class of land rights are becoming frustrated.

will always have the landlord or the land in the land of the land and the landless squatters in the longest destination. By doing so, Ekhoroiro big farming and the cloak of a wheel will increase. & Nbsp; There is a land reform for construction of