Bhim Rawal is an expert in spreading the words of Thadi Bhaka and Deuda from the Far West after seeing the situation in front of his eyes. Be it on the rostrum of the parliament or the stage of a party meeting, Rawal will say one or two words of Deuda. As a candidate from Achham-1 in the election for the member of the House of Representatives, he has not been sparing with Deuda and Thadi Bhaka in the election meetings.

At an election rally organized in Bannigadhi Jayagarh Rural Municipality-3 Belpata on Tuesday, Rawal began his address by saying, “The Nepali Communist Party came to this village to cast its vote, all in the name of patriotism.” Then Rawal tried to explain why he had to seek votes under a different symbol this time. “We have come in a new way. Earlier, we used to call ourselves the Nepal Communist Party (UML), now we have come as the Nepali Communist Party.” All the sisters, brothers, and friends of (UML) were telling Bhim Rawal to make his mark on the sun at that time, why is he a star now?' he said, mixing in local adages in between, 'We didn't have cars at that time, we had to walk and sweat to form that party, we used to say make our mark on the sun at that time, but we don't say that today.'

Rawal said that UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli was the reason for him coming with a different symbol now. He argued that in 2074, the UML and the Maoists formed a government under the leadership of Oli by forming an electoral alliance, and both parties merged to form a strong Nepal Communist Party, but Oli failed to do so. He also criticized the role of the then Prime Minister Oli during the Gen-G movement last Bhadra.

Rawal had not left the UML in the 2079 elections, but he did not get a ticket. Oli had given the ticket to Jhapat Bahadur Bohara, who left the Maoists and joined the UML. Bohara could not win the election. In this election, Rawal is a candidate from the Nepali Communist Party.

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Bhim Rawal's political personality is a combination of his mother's sacrifice and struggle, the lessons of a failed train journey, and the harsh experience of prison life during the movement. He was born on 4th Shrawan 2013 in Sanfebagar-6, Kalagaun, Achham.

Sher Bahadur Deuba led the democratic wing in the far west and Bhim Rawal led the left wing. Deuba's parliamentary journey has come to a halt after the special general convention of the Nepali Congress. Rawal is contesting the elections after changing parties, but the road ahead is not easy. His 33-year-old father Motisingh passed away seven days after Rawal was born. After that, his mother Dhanshoba became the sole fulcrum of not only the house, but also the upbringing and education of the children. 'Moti Singh was fine in the morning, but he passed away suddenly,' said relative Khammasingh Kunwar, 'They said he was bitten by an insect, but it was not certain at that time.'

Dhanshoba was 25 years old when she lost her husband. She had a newborn son and a two-year-old daughter, Lakshmi. In society, most women who were widowed at a young age had a second marriage. 'But our mother raised and educated me and my sister, going through many hardships and sufferings,' says Rawal.

Rawal's family was the leader of Kalagaun, the headman's family. Mavali was also a member of the Jamal village of Achham. Grandfathers Kalusingh Kunwar, maternal uncle Lal Bahadur Kunwar and Chandra Bahadur Kunwar from the maternal uncle's house kept encouraging Dhanshoba.

Dhanshoba enrolled Bhim in Mahendra High School, Bayalpata. Bhim was diligent and hardworking since childhood. He was first/second in his class. He gave the SLC examination in 2029. At that time, the examination center for Achham was in Siliguri, Doti.

After SLC, Rawal's life took a strange turn. Classmate Tilaram Khanal was his best friend. Tilaram's father worked in Bombay, India. Khanal suggested that Rawal go to Bombay. Then they secretly ran away and set off. 'There was no way cars could run like they do now.' We walked for five days through the new and dense forest path to Tanakpur,' Rawal recalls, 'I was buying a ticket at the Tanakpur train ticket counter, when someone grabbed my hand from behind. I was shocked. Looking back, it was Padma Bahadur Rawal from my village. He had scolded me while returning home from Bombay. Your mother was crying, you are doing well in your studies, go home. I couldn't stop talking. I decided to return home.'

But Rawal was shocked at the same railway station. He had seen a train for the first time. He didn't care much about what the future would be like. All he wanted was to board the train, all he wanted was to reach Bombay city. 'I was shocked for a moment, I watched the train that my friend Tilaram had boarded for a while. And I returned home.'

Five days later, he reached the village. The mother had been restless since the day her son left. She had already got a feeling that her son had gone to Bombay. When her son suddenly arrived, Dhanshova's eyes filled with tears. 'When I reached the road near the farm, my mother stopped mowing the grass and ran to where I was. She hugged me and cried loudly. I also broke down, I was crying profusely,' Rawal said.

The SLC results were out, Rawal passed in the second division. Now his journey turned towards Kathmandu. My mother had sold the farm to meet her expenses. ‘When I left home, my mother and grandfather blessed me to be a Khardar and a Subba,’ Rawal said. ‘At that time, Khardar and Subba were considered very important government positions.’

In Kathmandu, along with his studies, his attention also turned to politics. In 2030, he joined progressive student politics. He was a member of the central nucleus, the founder of ANRFSU (the fifth of Ekta), later a member of the nucleus’s secretariat, and the head of the foreign department.

He was arrested in 2038 during the fifth national conference of ANRFSU Ekta. Under Rawal’s leadership, prisoners in Dillibazaar prison revolted in 2039. After the revolt, he was made to meet the district magistrate. Some prisoners were beaten and taken to Hanumandhoka. ‘Some friends, including me, were sent to Bhairahawa jail. I went on a hunger strike in Bhairahawa jail. On the eighth day of my fast, my health deteriorated. I collapsed due to exhaustion. At that time, Nain Bahadur Swar was the Home Minister. After the Home Minister received the news, he spoke to the party leaders,' Rawal said, 'Then a letter from the party asking me to break the fast came through my wife. I broke the fast. I was admitted to the hospital for three days. Later, I was brought to Nakkhu jail.' In 2039, Rawal became the secretary of the Kathmandu Intellectuals Committee of the CPN (ML).

Rawal became the Minister of State for Civil Aviation and Tourism when the minority government of the UML was formed in 2051 under the leadership of Manmohan Adhikari. He became a central member of the party from the sixth general convention held in Nepalgunj in 2054. After that, his political graph in the party organization grew. Rawal became the political advisor to the then Agriculture Minister Jhalanath Khanal in 2047. Since then, he has also become the Minister of Tourism, Home, Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister. In the meantime, he completed his graduation in law and a doctorate in political science. At one time, he was one of the few leaders in the UML who had a grasp of the English language. His presence was considered indispensable in diplomatic meetings and talks held by the party.

Rawal had contested the 2048 general election from Achham on behalf of the UML but was defeated. He won the 2051 mid-term election. He was defeated in 2056. But he won the 2070 and 2074 elections. He won the 2064 Constituent Assembly through the proportional electoral system. In the 2079 election, Chairman Oli did not give a ticket for Achham-1, despite a single recommendation from the district.

Rawal became the Minister of State for Civil Aviation and Tourism when the minority government of the UML was formed in 2051 under the leadership of Manmohan Adhikari. He became a central member of the party from the sixth general convention held in Nepalgunj in 2054. After that, his political graph in the party organization continued to grow.

In 2066, he became the Home Minister in the government formed under the leadership of Madhav Kumar Nepal. Rawal, who had been close to Nepal for a long time, became the Minister of Defense along with the Deputy Prime Minister in the government led by KP Sharma Oli in 2072. Although he was defeated for the post of Vice President in the eighth general convention, he became the Vice President in the ninth general convention by getting the highest number of votes. He had filed his candidacy from the Nepal group at that time. While he was the Vice President, Rawal became the Supreme Leader in the Far West UML, just as Sher Bahadur Deuba was the Supreme Leader in the Congress Far West.

There are many examples of the stance he took while in the UML. UML also participated in the government formed under the leadership of the Congress in 2006. In that government, it was decided to send Rawal from the UML to the post of Education Minister. But Rawal took a stand that he would not go if he had to go to the foreign ministry, and did not become a minister.

In 2006, he was defeated for the post of Vice-President at the eighth general convention of the UML but was elected as a central member. But he refused to take the oath saying that he had not filed a candidacy for the central member. In Jestha 2006, when it was confirmed that Madhav Kumar Nepal would become the Home Minister in the government led by him, he took the oath as a central member. Since then, critics have labeled him a 'revolutionary' leader.

After the then NCP returned to unity following the order of the Supreme Court, Rawal signed to make Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba the Prime Minister. But after Deuba became the Prime Minister, he resigned from his post as an MP on the eve of the vote of confidence. Conflict with Oli

Rawal is known as a leader who speaks frankly, whether inside or outside the party. That is why some people even called him the 'opposition within the party'.

After the 2074 elections, he continued to strongly oppose some of the decisions and activities of the government led by Oli. After the formation of the CPN (Maoist) on 3 Jestha 2075, Rawal did not fit into the secretariat, after which he became even more dissatisfied with the leadership. He was not satisfied even when he was not made a minister.

Some leaders say that taking advantage of Rawal's dissatisfaction, Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Madhav Kumar Nepal made him the leader of the front against Oli. Rawal had made strong comments on issues such as the joint military exercise that took place at that time, the Holy Wine case, the agreement with CK Raut, the ban on pesticide testing, the implementation of Nepal's foreign policy, the IIFA award, the Baluwatar land issue, border encroachment and opposition to the map issued by India, the method of conducting meetings, and the selection of ministers.

Rawal continued to oppose the MCC in the loudest voice. The then NCP Central Committee meeting held on 15 Poush 2076 had formed a task force under the leadership of Jhalanath Khanal to study the MCC agreement. The members of the task force included Bhim Rawal and Pradeep Kumar Gyawali. In the report submitted by the task force on 9 Falgun, it was suggested that some provisions in the MCC should be amended and passed only. Disputes continued to flare up in the NCP regarding that context as well.

The Oli faction stood in favor of the MCC agreement being approved by the parliament as is, while the Dahal-Nepal faction remained adamant that it should be approved only after amendments. Oli-led decisions were met with disobedience and opposition from the streets to the parliament. All these contexts increased the distance between Oli and Rawal.

The then President Bidya Devi Bhandari approved the recommendation of the then Prime Minister Oli to dissolve the House of Representatives on 24 Poush 2077 within a few hours. Leaders including Rawal had come out strongly against the Oli government's move. Seven ministers from the Dahal-Nepal faction had also resigned, calling the Prime Minister's move unconstitutional.

The NCP split into two after the standing committee meeting of the Dahal-Nepal faction, including Rawal, decided to seek a constitutional, legal and political solution to the dissolution of the House of Representatives.

Oli, while addressing a meeting of cadres close to him in Dhangadhi on 24 Poush 2077, made sarcastic remarks without mentioning Rawal's name. ‘When I was in jail, a boy from Achham was caught by the police while walking on the road and I found him and brought him into politics. Now, conversations are not trivial. Things are bigger than people. Children are bigger than elders, things are bigger than people,’ Oli did not stop there, ‘They are an obstacle to the development of the province, such people should be identified in the village, they will disturb you when they come to the top.’ Rawal also responded by calling Oli a fugitive through a public meeting organized in Dhangadhi.

पार्टीभित्रको एकता कायम गराउन भन्दै अध्यक्ष ओलीका तर्फबाट सुवासचन्द्र नेम्वाङ र नेपाल पक्षबाट रावल संयोजक रहेको कार्यदल गठन गरियो । कार्यदलले २७ असार ०७८ मा सहमतिका लागि १० बुँदे प्रस्ताव पारित गरेको थियो । After the Supreme Court restored the House of Representatives on 11 Falgun, the Dahal-Nepal faction celebrated, including Rawal. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court on 23 Falgun 077 revoked the unity of the UML and the Maoists and revived the former UML and the Maoists.’

सर्वोच्चको फैसलापछि पनि ओली र नेपाल समूहबीच दूरी कायमै रह्यो । रावल चैत ०७७ मा ललितपुरको सानेपामा भएको नेपाल पक्षको राष्ट्रिय कार्यकर्ता भेलाबाटै पार्टी विभाजनको पक्षमा थिए । उनको अगुवाइमा नयाँ दल गठनका लागि विधानसमेत तयार गरिएको थियो । तर भेलाका धेरैजसो सहभागी पार्टी विभाजनको विपक्षमा उभिए । रावल पार्टी विभाजनको लाइनबाट फर्किए पनि ओलीसँग मुकाबिला गरिरहे ।

पार्टीभित्रको एकता कायम गराउन भन्दै अध्यक्ष ओलीका तर्फबाट सुवासचन्द्र नेम्वाङ र नेपाल पक्षबाट रावल संयोजक रहेको कार्यदल गठन गरियो । कार्यदलले २७ असार ०७८ मा सहमतिका लागि १० बुँदे प्रस्ताव पारित गरेको थियो ।

सहमति कार्यान्वयन भएको देखाउनु रावलका लागि राजनीतिक प्रतिष्ठा बन्यो । तर अध्यक्ष ओलीका लागि एमाले नेकपाकै निरन्तरता भएको सन्देश दिएर माओवादीबाट एमालेमै रहेका नेताहरूको मन थाम्नुपर्ने बाध्यता थियो । अर्कातिर, १० बुँदे सहमति एमाले विभाजन रोक्नका लागि थियो । तर ओली र नेपाल दुवै पक्षले १० बुँदे सहमतिको स्वामित्व लिएनन् । रावल १० बुँदेको अक्षरशः कार्यान्वयनको अडानमा थिए ।

नेपालले ९ भदौ ०७९ मा अलग पार्टी गठन गरे । तर नेपाल पक्षमा रहेका रावलसहित १० जना भने सोही सहमतिका आधारमा एमालेमै बसे । रावलले १० बुँदे सहमतिको सबाल निरन्तर उठाइरहे । अध्यक्ष ओलीले बागमती प्रदेश कमिटीको बैठकलाई सम्बोधन गर्ने क्रममा १० बुँदेको एकतारे नबजाउन भन्दै सहमति कार्यान्वयन भइसकेको र अब औचित्य समाप्त भएको बताएपछि माहोल अर्कैतिर मोडियो ।

ओलीको भनाइबाट रावल थप बिच्किए । ५ कात्तिक ०७८ मा बसेको एमाले स्थायी कमिटी बैठकमा १० बुँदे सहमति कार्यान्वयनसम्बन्धी कार्यदलको संयोजकबाट रावलले राजीनामा दिएको घोषणा गरे ।

रावल १० बुँदे सहमतिको कार्यान्वयनद्वारा सुदूरपश्चिमको इन्चार्ज वा संयोजकमा बहाली चाहन्थे । तर त्यो भएन । ‘म स्वयं एमाले सुदूरपश्चिम समन्वय कमिटीको संयोजक थिएँ, पछि पार्टी एकीकरण भएका बेला त्यस प्रदेशको इन्चार्ज थिएँ, मेरो हकमा ती दुवै प्रावधान लागू नहुने तर्क केका आधारमा मिल्छ ?’ भन्दै उनले फरक मत नै दर्ज गरेका थिए । तर त्यतिञ्जेल एमाले सुदूरपश्चिमको पार्टी संरचना फेरबदल भइसकेको थियो ।

माओवादीबाट आएका लेखराज भट्ट इन्चार्जको जिम्मेवारीमा आइसकेका थिए । प्रदेश अध्यक्ष कर्ण थापा थिए । ‘आफैं इन्चार्ज हुनुपर्ने रावलको अडान कार्यान्वयन हुने अवस्था थिएन,’ तत्कालीन प्रदेश कमिटीमा पदाधिकारी रहेका एमालेका एक नेताले भने, ‘यस्तै घटनाक्रमले ओलीसँग रावलको दूरी बढ्दै गयो ।’

ओलीविरुद्घ प्रतिस्पर्धा

मंसिर ०७९ मा भएको एमालेको दसौं महाधिवेशनमा रावल अध्यक्ष पदमा ओलीसँग प्रतिस्पर्धामा उत्रिए । ओलीले उनलाई उपाध्यक्षमा बस्न आग्रह गरेका थिए । तर पार्टीभित्रको लोकतन्त्र जीवित राख्न भन्दै रावलले अध्यक्षमा उम्मेदवारी दिए । उनले २ सय २३ मत ल्याउँदा ओली एक हजार ८३७ मतसहित विजयी भए । पछि एमाले नेतृत्वले उनलाई महाधिवेशन प्रतिनिधि परिषद्मा समेत बोलाएन । रावल पार्टीबाट किनारमा धकेलिँदै गए । भूमिकाविहीन बनाइए ।

एक वर्षपछि ०७९ को प्रतिनिधिसभा सदस्य निर्वाचनमा अछाम १ बाट सर्वसम्मत रूपमा रावल सिफारिस भएका थिए । ओलीले उनलाई टिकट दिएनन् । चुनावमा रावल मौन बसे । एमालेले उक्त निर्वाचनमा सुदूरपश्चिममा नराम्ररी धक्का खायो । संघका १६ मध्ये दुई र प्रदेशका ३२ मध्ये तीन निर्वाचन क्षेत्रमा मात्र एमाले विजयी भयो । त्यसको प्रत्यक्ष वा परोक्ष कारक रावललाई पाखा लगाइनुलाई औंल्याउने गरिएको छ ।

व्यवसायी मीनबहादुर गुरुङले एमाले मुख्यालयका लागि जग्गा उपलब्ध गराउने र भवन पनि बनाइदिने निर्णय हुनुका साथै भवन शिलान्यास पनि गरिएपछि रावल सामाजिक सञ्जालमार्फत विरोधमा उत्रिए । एमालेले ४ कात्तिक ०८१ मा रावललाई स्पष्टीकरण सोध्यो । १८ चैत ०७९ मा रावल र एमाले नेतृत्वबीचको झमेला अर्को मोडमा पुग्यो । रावललाई सहमतिमा ल्याउन एमालेले उपाध्यक्ष विष्णु पौडेलको संयोजकत्वमा सचिव लेखराज भट्ट र स्थायी कमिटी सदस्य कर्ण थापा सदस्य रहेको वार्ता टोली गठन गर्‍यो । ३ वैशाख ०८० मा पहिलो वार्ता भयो । फेरि बस्ने गरी वार्तामा सौहार्द छलफल भएको भनिएको थियो । रावलले अध्यक्ष ओलीसँग एक्लै भेट गरेर छलफल गर्न चाहेको बताएका थिए । वार्ता टोलीका सदस्यहरूले रावलको उक्त प्रस्तावलाई ‘हुन्छ’ भनेका थिए । समझदारीअनुरूप ३० साउन ०८० मा ओली र रावलबीच पार्टी कार्यालय च्यासलमा भेटघाट पनि भयो । 

भेटमा सकारात्मक कुराकानी भएको भन्दै सार्वजनिक प्रतिक्रिया दिइयो तर त्यही भेटमा उत्पन्न परिवेशले रावल एमालेबाट निष्कासित हुनुपर्ने अवस्थासम्मको पृष्ठभूमि बन्यो । हुन त ओली र रावलको दूरी घटाउँदै रावललाई जिम्मेवारी दिएर सक्रिय बनाउनुपर्छ भन्ने एउटा समूह एमालेमा पहिलेदेखि नै थियो । ‘तर अध्यक्ष ओलीको वरिपरि रहेको समूह रावललाई जुनसुकै हालतमा पनि एमालेबाट लखेट्न चाहन्थ्यो,’ एमालेका एक केन्द्रीय नेताले भने ।

व्यवसायी मीनबहादुर गुरुङले एमाले मुख्यालयका लागि जग्गा उपलब्ध गराउने र भवन पनि बनाइदिने निर्णय हुनुका साथै भवन शिलान्यास पनि गरिएपछि रावल सामाजिक सञ्जालमार्फत विरोधमा उत्रिए । एमालेले ४ कात्तिक ०८१ मा रावललाई स्पष्टीकरण सोध्यो । उनले स्पष्टीकरण दिएनन् । अन्ततः १० पुस ०८१ मा रावल एमालेबाट निष्कासित भए । एमालेका केन्द्रीय सदस्य थापा भन्छन्, ‘एमालेलाई के फाइदा भयो त ? भीम रावल जत्तिको पार्टीमा योगदान गरेको व्यक्ति बाहिरिनु कसका हितमा भयो ? मैले त बुझ्नै सकेको छैन ।’

एमालेले पार्टी सदस्यबाट निष्कासन गरेपछि १७ पुस ०८१ मा रावलले मातृभूमि जागरण नामक अभियान सञ्चालनको घोषणा गरे । अभियानलाई समर्थन गर्ने रावलकै गृहजिल्लाका एमाले नेता/कार्यकर्ता पनि एमालेबाट कारबाहीमा परे । यसैक्रममा गत २६ असोजमा अभियानलाई रावलले नेपाली कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीमा एकीकरण गरे । अहिले उनी त्यही पार्टीबाट अछाम १ बाट निर्वाचन प्रतिस्पर्धामा छन् ।

अछाम १ मा एमालेले भने दीपकबहादुर साउदलाई अघि सारेको छ । एमालेले भने सुरुमा झपट बोहरालाई उम्मेदवार बनाउने निर्णय भएको थियो । पछि प्रलोपाका साउदलाई सूर्य चिह्नबाट उम्मेदवार बनाइएको हो । कांग्रेसबाट भरतकुमार स्वाँर, रास्वपाबाट ओमप्रकाश रावल प्रतिस्पर्धामा छन् । नेमकिपाबाट सुरेन्द्र शाही, राप्रपाबाट लोकेन्द्र शाह, नेकपा माओवादीका लोकेन्द्रबहादुर शाही र स्वतन्त्र उम्मेदवार भीमबहादुर कुँवर चुनावी मैदानमा छन् ।

गएको निर्वाचनमा यस क्षेत्रबाट तत्कालीन एकीकृत समाजवादीका नेता शेरबहादुर कुँवर १९ हजार ५ सय ३४ मतसहित विजयी भएका थिए । एमालेका झपट बोहराले १५ हजार ४५ मत पाएका थिए ।

सुदूरपश्चिमको अभिभावक बन्ने अवसर

अबको परिदृश्य कस्तो हुन्छ भन्नेबारे चाहिँ आसन्न निर्वाचनले निर्धारण गर्ने देखिन्छ । निर्वाचन जिते रावललाई सांसद पदको लोगो मात्रै प्राप्त हुनेछैन, सुदूरपश्चिमवासीको अभिभावक बन्नेछन् । करिब तीन दशकभन्दा लामो समयदेखि सुदूरपश्चिममा प्रजातान्त्रिक धारको नेतृत्व शेरबहादुर देउवाले र वामपन्थी धारको नेतृत्व भीम रावलले गर्दै आएका थिए । पाँच पटक प्रधानमन्त्री भइसकेका देउवापछि सुदूरपश्चिमबाट केन्द्रमा नेतृत्व गर्ने नेता रावल नै भएको कतिपय सुदूरपश्चिमवासी बताउँछन् । 

रावललाई सुदूरपश्चिमका अन्य दलका नेताले पनि अभिभावकका रूपमा हेर्ने गरेका छन् । काठमाडौंमा हुने गौरादेखि नयाँ वर्षका पर्वमा देउवासँगै रावलको पनि खोजी हुने गर्छ । दुवै जनाले हात मिलाएर देउडा खेल्छन्, पाइलामा पाइला मिलाउँछन् ।

कांग्रेसको विशेष महाधिवेशनबाट नेतृत्व परिवर्तन गरेपछि देउवाको संसदीय यात्रामा विराम लागेको छ । उनी चुनावमा भोट माग्नसम्म निस्किएका छैनन् । यता रावल एमालेबाट निकालिएर नेकपामा छन् । उनका लागि आगामी राजनीतिक यात्रा सहज बाटोमा भने छैन ।

अबको परिदृश्य कस्तो हुन्छ भन्नेबारे चाहिँ आसन्न निर्वाचनले निर्धारण गर्ने देखिन्छ । निर्वाचन जिते रावललाई सांसद पदको लोगो मात्रै प्राप्त हुनेछैन, सुदूरपश्चिमवासीको अभिभावक बन्नेछन् ।

राष्ट्रियताको अडान राख्ने भएकाले रावललाई क्षेत्र विशेषमा सीमित गर्न नहुने एमाले केन्द्रीय सदस्य झपट रावल बताउँछन् । ‘उहाँ राष्ट्रिय नेता हुनुहुन्छ । सुदूरपश्चिमको मात्रै नभएर राष्ट्रिय नेता भएकाले जिल्ला र प्रदेशमा उहाँलाई सीमित राख्न हुन्न,’ उनी भन्छन्, ‘उहाँजत्तिको नेतालाई जात र क्षेत्रमा सीमित गर्नु हुँदैन ।’