42 and a half percent of Nepal's population is youth. But the representation of youth in parliament, government and political parties is low. Instead, senior citizens are repeatedly in the leadership of such areas. As a result, the growing discontent among the public exploded in the Gen-G movement on August 23. This movement not only overthrew the power of the time, but also conveyed a strong message that the leadership of the young generation is needed in every field including political parties, parliament, and government.

The National Youth Policy 2072 considers the age group of 16-40 years as youth in Nepal. Out of the total population of 20 million 91 million 64 thousand 578, 1 million 24 million 12 thousand 173 are young people. In 2068, 40.35 percent of the total population was youth, but in 2078, it reached 42.56 percent. The number of young voters is also higher than other age groups. 52 percent of the total voters are in the age group of 18 to 40 years. While after 16 years of age, even though they are called youth, the Constitution of Nepal has given the right to vote only to those who have reached the age of 18 years. The majority of the population and voters of the youth are under-represented in governing the country, directing and making policies. Politics and leadership will lead the country. Unannounced efforts have been made to control the presence of youth in that area. 

The representation of youth in the House of Representatives, which gives the country prime minister and minister, makes necessary laws, and guides the government, is also very low. The number of youth MPs in the last dissolved House of Representatives was only 11 percent of the country, which has the highest percentage of youth in the population and electorate. Only people who have reached the age of 25 can run for the House of Representatives. The dissolved House of Representatives had 30 MPs from the age group of 25 to 40 years. In the 275-member House of Representatives, the number of young parliamentarians under the age of 40 was only 30. 

According to a study report conducted by Democracy Resource Center on youth participation in Nepalese politics, the highest representation in the House of Representatives was in the age group of 51-60 years. It seems that 34.54 percent MPs are represented from that age group. While according to the census data, the population of this age group is only 8 percent. 95 people including 78 MPs were directly represented from the said age group. 41-50 age group in the House of Representatives  63 MPs were represented. 80 MPs (29.1 percent) from the age group of 61-70 years and 23 MPs above 70 years of age were in the dissolved House of Representatives. 

In the dissolved House of Representatives on August 27, the 60-80 age group was the prime minister, speaker, minister and chairperson of the parliamentary committee. The representation of young parliamentarians in the state assembly and local level is more than that of the federal parliament, but it is not satisfactory. 20 percent representation in state assemblies and 41.14 percent representation in local level. One of the reasons for the increase in youth representation at the local level is the legal system. In which young people who have reached the age of 21 can run for any position at the local level. However, there is a constitutional provision that one should be at least 25 years of age to run for the State Assembly or the House of Representatives. 

Only people who have completed 35 years of age can run for the National Assembly. As a result, there is no youth presence in the National Assembly. The National Assembly has also been derided as an 'old age home'. In the 59-member National Assembly, there are 12 MPs who are 70 years old. There are 20 people in the age group of 60 to 70. There are 19 members in the age group of 50 to 60 and 8 members in the age group of 40 to 50. 

The constitution itself has prevented the entry of youth into constitutional bodies. There is a constitutional provision that 45 years of age should be completed for appointment to the commission. A researcher involved in the research on youth participation in Nepali politics conducted by the Democracy Resource Center last May says that the status of youth participation in Nepali politics is weak. "On the one hand, the constitution and laws have created some obstacles, on the other hand, there is no proper implementation of the existing laws," she said, "The issue of giving opportunities to the youth has been limited to slogans by the established political parties. It is known by looking at the party structure or the list of candidates for the bodies to be elected. The parties have given less priority to the youth. The more number of youth is a positive aspect for the country. However, the strength and capabilities of the youth are not believed. She thinks that the government or the political party has not made a special plan to use the strong shoulders, courage and sharp intelligence of the youth in the construction of the country. 

The path of the youth has also been blocked due to the repetition of the same people up to the third line in the leadership of the political party or the government. Not only the 80-year-old Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, 73-year-old UML President KP Sharma Oli and 70-year-old Maoist President Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the country has already experienced the anger of the leaders of the older generation not handing over their positions to the younger generation. After Deuba, Oli and Dahal, second level leaders also became ministers again and again. Even at the responsible level of the party, the same person has been a minister for 3 to 5 times while remaining with them. But because they don't want to take a political break, Thami believes that young people are not getting opportunities. Due to the character of the leaders who do not leave their positions for years and do not allow the young people with new ideas to come, the youth group of the previous generation is not able to get a place in the leadership level of politics. 

Young advocate Anjalika Sinha, who also supported the Gen-G movement, criticizes the activities of the leaders who do not show morals and are infatuated with the chair and power. Taking and giving money is not corruption. Systemic corruption is happening here. The full cycle of corruption is going on. The mind itself seems to be corrupt. It is difficult to break it,' she said, 'power hungry is also corruption like financial corruption.' She says that the politics of Nepal matches with the phrase 'power hungry adventurism' in English. "They will seize power anyway, they will do anything for power," she said. Some people are becoming prime minister and minister in turn, just like the monitor is changed every month/two months in the classroom.' 

As two weeks have passed since the Gen-G movement, none of the major party or other party leaders who have been in the leadership for years have shown any intention of leaving the leadership. Contrary to the spirit and spirit of the movement, they are indicating that they will be active in politics. 

The first thing is their ethics, the second is the intervention of other leaders of the party and the third option is to stipulate in the constitution of the party how many times they can hold any post or until what age they can hold it. However, even after all the Gen-G movement, the elderly leaders have shown no intention of handing over the leadership to the younger generation by showing morality. That is, if the second generation and subsequent young generations do not show the courage to intervene in the situation, the same old trend will be repeated, says young researcher Thami. 

The leaders have also shown the character of changing the provisions in the party's constitution to suit themselves. UML had put in the constitution a provision to leave those who have reached the age of 70 from active politics. Similarly, a provision was made that the party president cannot serve more than two terms. However, for Oli's convenience, both provisions were later removed from the statute. There is a legal provision in the Congress that one cannot be party president for more than two terms. Party Chairman Deuba's second term is coming to an end in November. However, he has not shown any readiness to hold a convention in November. Dahal has been the Maoist chairman continuously for 37 years. 

Mahant Thakur, Upendra Yadav or Rajendra Mahato, the presidents of the Madhesh party born in 2064 after the Madhesh movement, none of them have shown the possibility of handing over the leadership. In the Janmaat Party, 6 leaders, including the party's vice president and spokesperson, who raised the voice that CK Raut should leave the leadership, eventually had to leave the party. On the strength of Gen-G movement, it has been announced to dissolve the House of Representatives and hold new elections on February 21. But if the old leaders continue to occupy the position and do not give opportunities to the youth, what will be the shape of the new House of Representatives in this situation? Even after the Gen-G movement, if the face of the House of Representatives cannot be changed, the justification of the movement itself will be questioned. 

Former Chief Election Commissioner Bhojraj Pokharel says that if there is no change, there will be more despair in the Gen-G generation. There was a lot of agitation when the question was raised. Those who were said to have ruined the country, they are coming to the field again,'' he said, 'I see that an awkward situation will arise. If depression is added to Gen-G generation, the country may go to another accident. It should be considered from afar.' 

He suggested that the interim government should fulfill its responsibility to understand and address the feelings of the agitating youth and prevent them from getting 'frustrated'. He said that although there is no situation where the issues of the constitution can be implemented now, reforms should be made in the election laws according to the spirit of the movement. The House of Representatives that will be formed now should not be in its current form. How to increase the representation of the youth should be discussed,'' he said. If the parties want, they can manage it by making the internal policy of the party. However, in case the parties do not show that interest, it can be arranged by law.' 

Pokharel says that if the next, previous and older generations cannot be removed, there will be no chance for the youth to get a place. He emphasized that there should be a debate on its alternatives. He mentioned that the people should be able to prevent the party from sending the same face to the upcoming House of Representatives. He suggests that if the party and leaders do not take a new path now, they should take binding measures within the law.  He said that the age up to which one can be a member of the House of Representatives or how many times one can be a member can be determined by law. "If the old generation does not leave the place through the natural process, it should be done by force," added former Chief Election Commissioner Pokharel.

Civil servants retire at 58 years. The judges of the Supreme Court and the heads and members of the Constitutional Commission can hold office only till the age of 65 years. Why not maintain it in politics when there is a retirement age elsewhere? The maximum retirement age in Nepal is 65 years. Let's maintain the same in politics," Pokharel said. "It can be included in the laws related to elections." The Election Commission has already pointed out the need for such reforms in the law. The commission made such a suggestion in its annual report of 2079/80 submitted to President Ramchandra Paudel. In order to develop good political morals, the Commission has suggested in the report that when registering candidates for the post of members of the House of Representatives and the Provincial Assembly, the candidate must pass at least a bachelor's degree and the age limit of the candidate must not exceed 65 years at the time of filing the candidacy. Even though the commission brought the issue of age limit in the debate, it does not seem to work in such a legal arrangement. 

Bhutan is doing such a practice in South Asia. In the Election Law 2008, Bhutan set a maximum age limit of 65 for running as a candidate. There is a legal provision that one must be 25 years of age and not less than 65 years of age to be a candidate for the National Assembly and National Council. In Canada, the age limit for the Senate is 75 years. In some countries, an age limit has been set for becoming president, while in some countries, an age limit has also been set for being a candidate at the local level. There seems to be a debate going on from the US to France about setting the age limit. 

In France, people over 70 years of age have been debated since 2015, but legal arrangements have not been made. Even if an age limit law is necessary when one type of person is repeatedly becoming an MP, minister or prime minister, there is a possibility of doing injustice to a large number of people. There is a large number of capable politicians in the 60-70 group who have been involved in politics since their youth and have not been able to reach leadership positions. After setting the age limit, this big line should also retire soon.