Two pieces of information came from neighboring Bihar at the same time. One was the results of the Bihar provincial elections. The second was the death of a socialist thinker, Sachchidanand Sinha. The first is being discussed in Nepal from many angles, but the second has not been heard. Perhaps if Pradeep Giri were alive right now, he would have explained it in detail. There is both truth and myth in these pieces of information. Nepal is both soaked in Bihar's bachchita and, in some respects, alienated. However, Bihar continues to attract Nepal.

Sachchidananda Sinha, considered the oldest pillar of the socialist movement in India, passed away last week at the age of 98. He was part of the generation that participated in the Indian freedom struggle. Despite being born into a wealthy family, he gained first-hand experience of that class by doing various types of labor work. A simplicity that was hard to believe was considered natural in his life.

He was a self-educated and self-made person. He was proficient in several languages. He stayed away from self-promotion. At the age of twenty-eight, Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia made him the editor of the magazine 'Mankind' in 1956. He also had experience working with Dr. Ambedkar to Jayaprakash Narayan. In the words of Indian political thinker Yogendra Yadav, 'an alternative map of the thinking of our time.' However, it was unfortunate that the people of Bihar did not remember his importance. The oblivion of this socialist saint while he was alive was seen as a tragedy for Bihari society.

Sachidananda Bihar lived in a small village near Muzaffarpur, with very few resources. His thinking was still sharp until the end. A collection of his books and articles has been published in eight volumes under the editorship of renowned journalist Arvind Mohan. This alone shows how wide-ranging his writings were. His book ‘The Internal Colony’ (1973) depicts undivided Bihar as an ‘internal colony’, initiates an important discussion on regional inequality, and describes Bihar as being exploited by the central government. This book highlights the problems of regional inequality and economic inequality in India. 

This book, published in the 1970s, analyzes how the state created internal colonies within the country and exploited and displaced the common people under the guise of capital and the market after India became independent. He continued to analyze the far-reaching effects of global phenomena such as capitalism, marketism, globalization, liberalization, and consumerism, and to convey the discussion of culture and civilization, and the theoretical aspects of socialism to the general public in simple language.

‘What should our private lifestyle be like? Not much thought is given to its social impact. People who want to change society, eliminate poverty from society, and bring equality, do not think about how they themselves live. But our standard of living and consumption is not actually a purely private matter. It is the product of a particular environment and thus becomes an environment itself. This environment greatly influences the direction of society and also determines how the available resources are used.’ These things were repeated when I was close to him. 

It is generally considered negative to discuss a person's private life in public discourse, but it is not considered that change does not start with just raising slogans, but with the person's personal behavior. He used to say that when he met Nepali leftists or democrats, they used to say, 'Our job is to raise the standard of living of the poor, not to lower our own standard of living.'

There is a story by American writer Jack London (1876-1916) - 'To Build a Fire'. As described in it, in a snow-covered area, where the temperature drops below zero Celsius, a dog hides in the snow in search of warmth. When the temperature really starts to drop very low, even the snow feels warm. Similarly, the people of Bihar have felt such warmth in Nitish Kumar's politics. Some have interpreted it as 'feeling such warmth' in Nitish Kumar's politics.

When choosing between the legacy of Lalu Prasad and the continuation of Nitish Kumar, the people of Bihar chose Nitish. Nitish assured him that no matter what, the temperature would not go below zero. These two are the symbols of modern Bihari politics, who are called socialists, known as supporters of the Jayaprakash Narayan movement and come from ordinary backgrounds. However, a line has been drawn between these two – Nitish Kumar did not practice nepotism, did not make politics a means of earning money. However, can the people of Bihar be vocal about it coming to democracy? Even after returning to power, questions are being raised about Nitish Kumar.

Is the election the voice of the people or a machine for power equation? Do caste, dominance, polling station promotion and the influence of money exist with all their might in the Bihari electoral scenario? Aspects like the dominance of the government system and the participation of people from criminal backgrounds have not been insignificant in the elections. Development is not just about industrialization or urbanization, but also about developing the capacity of the common people, building basic infrastructure, and economic empowerment of women. 

For the last four decades, regional politics had been leading in Bihar, and at the same time, it had the power to define federal politics. However, this election saw the regional politics of Bihar shrinking. In electoral alliances with national parties, regional parties are gradually losing their existence and identity. Bihar is a strong example of this. Regional parties and leaders became present at the mercy and grace of national parties. In India, which is like a continent of diversity, regional forces were effective in bringing deprived voices into the mainstream. This motivated the government in Delhi to make the face of power inclusive.

Regional politics failed to reinvent itself in Bihar, while the central ruling Bharatiya Janata Party emphasized local strategies in every election. And, the BJP-inspired beneficiary scheme helped to fulfill the purpose at the ground level.

The fact that elections support social change has also been established by the provincial level elections in the neighboring state of Bihar. Bihar showed a completely different discourse from Uttar Pradesh, which shares a border with Nepal. This time, there was no polarization on religious and caste lines. Bihar is changing amidst all its contradictions.

Although the pace of change seems slow, it is having a long-term impact on Bihari society. However, this is not all that is visible in the mirror of Bihar. Both Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish Kumar belong to the socialist stream. Lalu Prasad wrote the epic story of social justice in the feudal structure of Bihar and its social and economic upheaval was also seen. However, his successor tried to sell the same stale bread. On the other hand, Nitish Kumar, despite clinging to the right wing, drew a new face of social change in Bihar. Bihar is changing amidst all the contradictions of Nitish Kumar.

The pace of every change in Nepal tends to get stuck in one situation and become entrenched. The upheavals that have come with big slogans and agendas eventually reach a roundabout and become useless or disappear. In the short period after the Bhadaure lightning, it is being estimated that fate will repeat itself like the story of Jack London. A situation of seeking warmth in the snow is developing. The forces that claim something new are not able to provide a reliable basis for a fresh start.

Nepali society wanted new dreams and aspirations to take shape in all areas. However, in a short time, signs of the status quo were voiced. The claimants of the new generation showed new moves and characters. This acted as a safety valve in a suffocating, suffocating environment. Despite all the criticism, Sher Bahadur Deuba, Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal have clenched their fists, no matter how much whistles and applause echo from the audience outside the stadium for those who raise their fists against them, the possible outcome of the game is not being changed.

Sachidananda, who was keeping aloof from power in Bihar and showing a lamp to politics, was not less tempted by the power. However, he established that he was not a candle. He did not melt before the heat of power. To maintain and maintain democracy in both society and the state, a group of people with moral strength is needed. How did those who rode bicycles and stayed with supporters until the nineties become slaves to expensive cars, suites in star hotels, and rows of people singing praises? This is where the reason for the Bhadaure lightning is hidden.