A clear roadmap of the goals that the government is trying to achieve should be presented in the policies and programs. As it guides the overall economic and social development of the country, clear goals of the government should be reflected in the policies and programs. Theoretically, the policies and programs of the federal government are the basis of the policies and programs of the provincial and local governments.

 So basically, the national needs and priorities set by the federal government are also adopted by the state and local levels. However, the relative needs and concerns of the state and local levels are also included. For example: According to the standard of living survey of the National Statistics Office, 20.27 percent of the population is below the poverty line.

When poverty alleviation is included in the policies and programs of the federal government, the state and local governments should prioritize it and make policies and programs. Therefore, only if the federal government's policies and programs bring national needs, priorities and plans clearly, the states and local levels can also bring policies and programs accordingly. However, if the policies and programs of the government of Nepal are unclear and confused, there will be no consistency in the policies and programs of the provincial and local levels and they will not be able to address national problems and concerns. 

formal document 

government. The annual policy and program of 2082/083 has been passed by the parliament and the theoretical and priority of the budget is being discussed. A strong government of the country's major political party, UML and Congress, could bring policies and programs of long-term importance for socio-economic transformation.

In parliamentary arithmetic, a strong government has no problem getting policies and programs passed by parliament. However, there is nothing new in the principles and priorities of the coalition government, be it the policies and programs or the budget. Regular issues such as strengthening governance, amending the constitution, developing physical infrastructure, solving educational challenges, easy access to health, and ending economic irregularities are included in the policies and programs.

These questions are important, however, not very different from the slogans used by all previous governments. It seems that these questions included in the policy and program are only for political consumption and not for implementation. For example: There is no concrete program in terms of strengthening governance. A decade has passed since the practice of federalism.

What are the positive initiatives to strengthen the practice of federalism? What are the weaknesses? What should be done for the effective implementation of federalism? What is the role of the government to strengthen federalism? A clear vision to solve these questions has not been found in policies and programs. 

In fact, the government's policies and programs are presented to the parliament for formality. The effectiveness of any policy and program passed by the government has not been evaluated. Was the policy and program implemented by the government last year or not? If so, what achievements have been achieved? If not, what are the reasons? The government should review such important questions.

If the government is committed and responsible for the policies and programs brought by the government, then it must be reviewed. However, the government does not dare to review and learn from the weaknesses because it is certain that it will be judged as a failure in the review. He does not want to stand in the court of review and evaluation so that the fact that he is not accountable and responsible to the people is not made public. 

The government's policies and programs, principles of budgeting and priority setting are inconsistent in nature. Such policies are formed by the wishes of the government leadership, interest groups and staff. To address the national needs and expectations of the people and for development including socio-economic transformation, the government needs to consult widely. Like

, political leadership, parliamentarians, stakeholder groups etc. should be consulted on issues such as economic development, poverty alleviation, socio-economic transformation and inclusive development. Tribal tribes, Dalits, Madhesi, Tharu, Muslims etc. should be consulted to address the expectations and concerns of marginalized communities.

When the creation of policies and programs of national importance becomes incoherent, one-sided and driven by self-interest, the result will be the same. Although policies and programs and budgets are discussed in the parliament for formality, there are many examples of powerful parties and leadership trampling the voices of real oppressed communities. 

In the context of Nepal, ironically, the implementation of policies and programs passed by the Parliament is never reviewed and evaluated. Neither the government evaluates the state of implementation and publicizes the state of progress, nor does the parliament itself monitor and evaluate. When there is no need to review the implementation, the government brings such popular programs, hundreds of programs are published, but they do not touch people's lives directly. 

The policy and program of the government, which is insensitive to social justice, has brought a plan for economic prosperity, construction of physical infrastructure, agriculture, energy, water resources development, and educational reform in all areas. Physical infrastructure and economic development are necessary, but if we accept that these developments are basically for the prosperity of human life, then we must accept that the needs of different socio-cultural communities in Nepal are also different.

Theoretically, until the socio-cultural identity of Nepal is not accepted, the concrete question of establishing social justice by ending the historical oppression, discrimination and exclusion of women and oppressed castes and communities is not accepted in the policy and program, then the oppressed gender and community cannot accept or take ownership of the policy and program. 

As important as national needs are to governments, dignified identity, self-respect and social justice are as important to oppressed communities. For example, in Nepal, 20.27 percent are below the poverty line, that is, they are in the lower class. Among the lower classes, 44.5 percent are Madhesi Dalits and 32 percent are Pahari Dalits. The literacy rate of 5 years and above in Nepal is 76.2 percent. Dalits have 67.4 percent. Moreover, Terai Dalits have 51.9 percent.

Graduation or above 1.7 and 1.1 Dalits need access to education. Not only this, every day they are forced to suffer untouchability-discrimination and violence on the basis of caste, but they have not got access to justice. The need of Dalits in such a situation is education, employment and access to justice is the first priority. Women are victims of domestic violence, sexual violence, rape, murder, unequal wages, labor exploitation, etc.

For women, gender and sexual minority communities, the main issue is the end of discrimination, violence, atrocities and ensuring social justice rather than economic prosperity. There is linguistic-cultural oppression of tribal people. The protection and respect of cultural identity, the end of ethnic, linguistic-cultural differences are the basic issues of tribal tribes. However, whether it is the government's policies and programs or the principles and priorities of the budget, it is completely indifferent to the social justice concerns of marginalized communities. 

Overall, the representation of tribal tribes, Dalits, Madhesi, Tharu, Muslims and marginalized communities is strong. But the representatives of the oppressed communities have not been able to intervene for their rights. Even the questions raised from time to time have been answered by the government with the intention of suppressing them. Like

, the previous government included a plan to form a Dalit Development Authority, we have before us an example of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli giving an irresponsible answer to the question why this policy and program was cut. He replied in the parliament and asked, "Should 125 caste names be written in the policy and program?" This means that it is clear that they do not think it necessary to make special arrangements for the historically oppressed classes and communities or that the concerns of those communities are not a matter of interest to the Prime Minister. 

On the other hand, Prime Minister Oli continues to express that the country runs according to the constitution and fulfills the government's responsibility to implement the constitution. The responsibility of implementing the fundamental rights of the constitution will also belong to the government. The prime minister is also responsible for practicing and making the principle of proportional inclusion.

If that is the case, what constitutional morality allows Asamweshi to sit in the position of executive prime minister? What is needed to bring policies and programs to implement the democratic rights of oppressed classes and communities with social justice? Can the society and the country progress by ignoring the needs, desires and concerns of the marginalized communities who have contributed to the overall development of the country? Therefore, devaluing the issue of social justice in policies and programs is an insult to the oppressed community. 

multifaceted effect  The

policy and program is a document that guides the state. If social justice, inclusive development or policies to promote the rights of oppressed genders and communities are not included in the government's policies and programs, they are not included in the budget allocation. Not only this, it has an impact on state and local level policies and programs as well as budgets.

According to a study conducted by Dignity Initiative in 2081, in the past five years, Lumbini Province did not bring any concrete plan focusing on oppressed communities such as tribal tribes, Tharu, Muslims, Dalits, and Madheshis. Its reflection has also been seen in the budget allocation. Lumbini Province seems to have allocated only one percent of its budget for the tribal tribes, Dalits, Madhesi, Tharu and Muslims during the five-year period.

The situation of the budget allocated by the federal government and other provincial and local governments regarding the marginalized is not much different from this. This does not mean that the oppressed communities have not benefited from the programs run from the allocated budget, but special policies, programs and budgets are needed to address the problems of communities forced to suffer historically specific types of discrimination, exclusion, injustice and oppression. Only this can promote inclusive development. 

This scenario shows that the government and leadership have no vision and idea of ​​inclusive development with social justice while addressing the diversity and multifaceted problems of Nepali society. On the other hand, it shows that the oppressed communities represented in the parliament and the government have not played an interventionist role. In the same way, it seems that the policy makers of the oppressed communities have not been able to create a common concept of inclusive national development and make an integrated effort.

Even though they are represented by different political parties, because they are representatives of the community, there is no unified initiative for the overall welfare of the oppressed community. Naturally, a representative of an oppressed community may face the pressure, influence and whip of a political party. However, if a one-sided and non-inclusive policy-making process is practiced, the rights and agenda of the oppressed community are attacked, and the hopes of the community are undermined, the people's representatives must have the ability to stand firmly on the side of the community.