UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli was forced out of the Prime Minister's chair due to the Gen-G movement. After resigning from the Prime Minister's post on 24 Bhadra and staying under the protection of the Nepali Army for 13 days, he appeared in public in Gundu, Bhaktapur on 7 Asoj.

What changes have been seen in Oli since the Gen-G movement? Is he as tough and ruthless towards his opponents as before? Or has his old style of making provocative statements changed?

Kantipur has conducted a 'content analysis' of Oli's public speeches, addresses at cadre gatherings and media interviews after the Gen-G movement. For this, we have taken 10 speeches he made on public platforms from 11 Asoj to 6 Mangsir. Oli spoke for 9 hours and 36 minutes in those programs, or an average of 47 minutes in each program.

Oli spoke for 27 minutes and 30 seconds at a press conference organized in Gundu on 11 Asoj, 5 days after returning from the army barracks. He spoke for 15 minutes at the Bhaktapur public forum on 23 Asoj, 45 minutes at the party's central committee meeting on 29 Asoj, and 70 minutes during a discussion with journalists at Rambagh Palace in Lalitpur on 3 Kartik. Similarly, on 20 and 21 Kartik, 2, 3, 5 and 6 Mangsir, he gave speeches on a public platform that lasted more than 30 minutes.

In all these 10 speeches, Oli does not appear calm and gentle. Instead, he seems to be speaking in an aggressive, intolerant and vindictive style every time, using various unverified and unverified statistics and unconfirmed facts to support his psychology. In every speech after being overthrown, Oli has been repeating the same fact in a different style. For example, he uses adjectives like 'hahu', 'batase' and 'illegal' to Sushila Karki's government in every speech. He argues that the formation of the government is unconstitutional, but he abuses the government using many more adjectives.

At a press conference organized in Gundu, Bhaktapur on 11 Asoj, he said - '...Will we flee abroad by handing over the country to this hahu's government? We will have to build this country. We will not run away.’ Oli’s anger towards the government is increasing day by day. On 21 Kartik, he also portrayed the government as a group that is ‘invisible, weak, has no ground, has no history or tradition.’ Saying, ‘They even voted on Discord, who counted them?’ He tried to ridicule the use of modern technology and the political involvement of the youth.

On the same day, he said, ‘The current reactionaries are invisible, weak, have no ground, have no history or tradition. Neither the support of tradition. Nor the basis of public support. Nothing. I say they are in a hurry. Really in a hurry. They set fire to it, looted it, vandalized it. They created chaos and terror. They went from Discord to rule by practicing a terrorist act. They also voted on Discord. Two-three thousand children gathered on Discord and voted. Who counted them? What was the ballot paper like? Did they put a line or make a hole like in America? What did they do? Such an unconstitutional government of Hahu formed on the basis of such wind.’

On 3 November, at the UML’s interaction program on the role of local level people’s representatives, he said, ‘I have said it many times in many places. This is the government of Hahu. The government formed in Hahu. This is not how a government is formed. Back then, when there was a chiefdom. Even at the beginning of this slave era, slaves used to gather and discuss who to elect as the chief. Where did the chief and the headman come from here? They couldn’t choose. No one could choose. What if they were incarnated? Ghartyakk falls from here, another Ghartyakk falls from another.’

He did not limit himself to this that day. ‘Some fall wearing slippers, some fall wearing half pants. Some fall wearing a fariya. Some fall wearing tight clothes. Ghartyakk falls. Ghartyakk falls. We just look. Such a situation has arisen. No one elected it. In today’s era, a government that no one elected. It is surprising who made it. No one is building it. No one is building it. What is it that it is stuck on, what is it stuck on? It has no foundation,’ he had said.

In the 10 public speeches made by Oli in a period of 57 days, the phrase ‘Hahu’s government’ has been used in every speech. In just 10 speeches, he seems to have used the term ‘Hahu’s government’ 13 times. On the other hand, the way Oli is explaining the Gen-G movement shows how incapable he is of understanding the psychology of the new generation. In the UML meeting held on 2 Mangsir, he had said, ‘A false notion called Gen-G has been spread. Gen-G or Generation Z is talking about a period in the development of computers.... It has nothing to do with humans. There is no 15-year generation of humans.’

Not only this, on 6 Mangsir, presenting himself more strongly in a public forum, he said, ‘An artificial term called Gen-G has been brought forward. The stage of computer development has been linked to the generation of humans and is called the Gen-G generation.’ This in itself is artificial and unrealistic.'

According to a 2017 study by Roberta Kartz, a senior researcher at Stanford University in the US, the generation that grew up with the full power of the internet is the latest generation. This is also mentioned in a research called 'Gen-G Explained: The Art of Living in a Digital Age', of which Kartz is a co-author. This is a 2021 study by the University of Chicago in the US. But as Oli says, the term Gen-G is not only synonymous with computers.

Sociology and global demographic studies have defined those born from the late 1990s to the early 2010s as 'Gen-G'. But Oli does not seem ready to accept this international practice. Instead, he prefers to insult the decision-making ability of the youth by calling them 'misled', 'bent' and 'used'.

He had made similar comments in a gathering with UML leaders on 20 Kartik. ‘Gen-ji, Sen-ji are nothing. Somehow, another class came and did something to confuse and confuse our brothers and sisters. They (Gen-ji) were completely exhausted in an instant. Then others took up that pretext and created a fire. They went to loot,’ he said.

The next day on 21 Kartik, Oli also said that computers had spoiled the habits of Gen-ji in an interaction program organized by the UML Education and Human Resources Department in Kathmandu. But he did not present any facts or arguments or the results of any research behind this. ‘This development of computers has spoiled the habits. Number one. Our education system is inappropriate and the things taught are inappropriate. As mentioned earlier, there is no moral education. Knowledge alone is not enough, virtue is also needed. Character is not explained. It is not explained about character. It is not explained about humanity. It is understood. And, now I also meet many young people, I meet young people who are involved in the movement. Now, some people do not feel like they are involved in the movement. They can tell what they have consumed by looking at their eyes. Those who can tell by looking at their eyes also wear dark glasses at night. Why do they wear dark glasses at night? Why do they wear dark glasses inside a room where there is no sunlight? Why do they know by looking at their eyes?'

Oli also gave a statement in the program defending the shooting incident on 23 Bhadra. While according to the universal principles of human rights, it is not permissible to shoot at unarmed civilians to protect physical structures. However, Oli, as if he were presenting a new theory at a gathering of teachers, said, 'I don't know why there was a big gap in this destruction this time, but one thing was missing. Like the theory that physical structures cannot be protected by causing human damage. Then 10 people go and set fire somewhere again. There was no human damage. Then there was no use of weapons. If this theory is to be maintained, how is there security in Nepal? How do security agencies provide security? How do the police do it? How do others do it? Is there any structure for physical damage that prevents human casualties?'

Oli did not limit himself to this. He also put forward many (wrong) arguments in his defense. In the same program, he had said, ‘Is money more important than people? Why protect the National Bank? Now, after that, there is no danger? If someone is entrusted with the responsibility, they will protect it. Now, the shooting on the 23rd is the same. After the police went to set fire to the place that was given to them to protect, they opened fire after breaking the wall, after everything was done. And, did the police do it alone or was there infiltration? Now, if an impartial investigation commission had been formed, it would have investigated, but the current commission, it is a duplicate. Which has already given the verdict.’ Thus, Oli seems to be trying to legitimize violence in public statements.

Victim card that criminalizes the movement

Oli seems to have repeatedly tried to portray the Gen-Gs as a group of ‘looters’, ‘arsonists’ and ‘saboteurs’ to obscure the political and social issues of the movement. On 23 Asoj, he said – ‘These arsonists . Hot-hot looters . Looters . Saboteurs, do they build the country ? Do those who steal Fanta and Coca-Cola build the country ?’

According to Oli’s claim, it is true that some materials were stolen from Bhatbhateni . But putting everyone who came to the demonstration in the same basket confirms that Oli is trying to criminalize the movement . Oli is not ready to accept his exit from power as a result of public anger . He has been explaining it as a big ‘grand design’ and conspiracy . At the party meeting on 2 Mangesh, he said, ‘Nowadays, it is fashionable to say ‘deep state’ . Deep state was being used . Various methods and means were being used against Nepal.’

The use of the term deep state seems to have come into use occasionally in the 1990s after the military forces in Turkey launched a secret military operation against drug smugglers and hired killers by Kurdish rebels. At that time, the term ‘Dereine Dhevlet’ was used as the term later as the deep state.

In 2011, American author and Republican Party member Mike Lofgren used this term in Parliament. In 2013, the term became more popular after it was written in the novel ‘A Delicate Truth’ by ​​British author John le Carré. After Donald Trump became president of the United States, the term began to be widely used. It seems to be used in the context of the existence of another shadow system within the legitimate system of running the state or the government being run by some other secret power.

Oli did not hesitate to use this word to accuse those who have taken refuge in Nepal (probably referring to Tibetan refugees) of destroying the country's structure. 'We have given them refuge. We have not given them the right to come to this country, destroy the structure of this country, or create discord in this country,' he said, raising a diplomatically sensitive issue.

On 6th Mangsir, he repeated the same thing in a public forum, 'The conspiracy was hidden. That conspiracy was revealed from the ancestral home to the front of Everest. The subsequent events are the product of the conspiracy.' Although Oli has repeatedly used the word conspiracy in his speeches, it does not appear to have presented its background or solid basis to confirm it. Nor does it appear to have disclosed the source of such information.

Instead of confronting political dissent ideologically, Oli has chosen the path of personal character assassination. His comments towards Prime Minister Sushila Karki seem unwarranted. On 23 Asoj, he said, ‘KP Oli is running away because of fear of Sushila Karki? Gututtu? What do you think... I would like to advise Home Minister Babu not to get too excited, not to shine, to be restrained.’

Practicing parallel power by destroying democracy within the party

Oli, who repeatedly calls Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s government undemocratic, is himself undemocratic within the party. His own statements confirm that voices demanding his resignation are growing stronger within the UML. However, instead of addressing those voices, Oli has been teasing them.

On 21 Kartik, he called the dissatisfaction within the party ‘Raiin Raiin’ and ‘Kyain Kyain’. He said – ‘This is a row, On October 20, he said, ‘The secretariat meeting on October 15 passed it’. Now he wants to form a Youth Volunteer Force. We will protect the country’s security, the people’s security and the police as well.’

According to him, the Youth Volunteer Force was formed on November 5. But its leadership is led by people with criminal backgrounds. For the people who have experienced the terror and chaos created by the Maoists’ YCL or UML’s ‘Youth Force’ in the past, this announcement has raised fears of another encounter. His threats on November 5 and 6, saying ‘Don’t tease UML’ and ‘There will be another big rebellion’, seem vindictive.