The Congress establishment party has already passed a proposal from the Central Working Committee to hold the general convention from April 28 to April 31, 2083, amending the previously scheduled schedule for the regular general convention from December 27 to 29.

General Secretaries Gagan Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma are preparing to call a special general convention on 10-12 December. They are in favor of going to the elections only after changing the party leadership and policy, taking into account the essence of the Gen-G movement. The establishment and Koirala factions, on the other hand, seem ready to go to the elections under the leadership of President Sher Bahadur Deuba. The issue of where the power struggle between these two poles will take the party is of particular interest to Congress leaders and activists. In this context,  Kulchandra Neupane had a conversation with former Congress MP and senior advocate Radheshyam Adhikari : 

How do you know Gagan Thapa ?

He is a leader who speaks the voice of the people . He has some special qualities . First, he is a very good communicator . He can present even complex issues in a way that a common man can understand . Second, he speaks after studying, he does not take things lightly . Third, he grew up in the organization, coming from student politics to organizational journey. Fourth, he is a 'mass leader'. During elections, people try to call him all over the country because he has the ability to directly connect with the people.

Gagan Thapa seems to have been carrying a different issue within the party since the first Constituent Assembly. Gagan Thapa, Narahari Acharya and you were together on the issue of a directly elected executive prime minister. Looking back now, how successful do you think the issues raised by Thapa, which went against the party's core policy, were?

The advocacy of a directly elected prime minister began during the first Constituent Assembly. There were four to five meetings at my house on the issue of the chief executive being directly elected. That issue seemed new to me, but later I distanced myself from it because I realized that even though it was named 'directly elected executive', it would ultimately lead to a presidential system. I clearly told Narahariji, ‘I don’t accept this anymore.’ The issue of direct executive was a different matter. But many of the issues raised by Gagan have become the party’s core policies over time.

The issue of the special general convention has put General Secretary Gagan Thapa in a difficult juncture in his political life, how have you taken it?

A lot of confusion has been spread about the special general convention. This is not Gagan Thapa’s personal demand, it is the demand of 54 percent of the general convention delegates. Gagan supported that demand should be respected. It is not wrong to respect the law and order.

It is said that the special general convention called by the two general secretaries when the party refuses increases the risk of party division, right?

Sometimes in politics, circumstances lead people to the point of making history. Now leaders like Gagan Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma are standing at that juncture. A large group of people who love the Congress are supporting this move, so they should not be alone. Despite the risk, this is a historic moment.

But the establishment side is arguing that a special general convention called by two general secretaries is not legally valid, that it should be called by the decision of the Central Working Committee, right?

A special general convention in the Congress is mandatory with the signatures of 54 percent of the general convention delegates. Once the signatures of more than 40 percent of the delegates are reached, the demand for a special general convention reaches above the level of the president or general secretary. In such a situation, whoever calls it, the general convention is legal. General secretaries are just administrative tools. This right belongs to the delegates.

But the establishment side is trying to stop the delegates by saying that they should not go to a meeting without an institutional decision, right?

The establishment party can obstruct, issue a statement or make various excuses to stop the special general convention. But that cannot prevent legality. Even if no one calls, the representatives can gather and hold a special general convention themselves. A special general convention must also be called to comply with the statute. It is not about who called it, it is a matter of the rights of 40 percent of the representatives. There is no question that it is not legal when the general secretaries call it.

Even when the issue raised by the general secretaries was established, it seemed that public opinion was against Gagan Thapa. The same was seen in the cooperative issue. How do you take it?