Durga Prasai, who has been introducing herself as the coordinator of the campaign to save the nation, nationality, religion and culture, has made anarchic statements targeting Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah (Balen) on Sunday. At a time when Balen and the Home Administration are facing off over the issue of evicting squatters, Prasai has made statements that are not about providing justice to the squatters but about inciting them.

Prasai went to Manohara Basti on Sunday and said, ‘Whoever comes to demolish a house, let him demolish that house, whoever comes to harass, let him... (objectionable word aimed at the family)’.’

The security apparatus has taken notice of the statement he made after reaching the squatters’ basti, who has been saying that he will start a ‘decisive’ movement from 7 Mangsir to restore the monarchy. ‘In the past, the movement he called for has a background of chaotic activities by those who had gone from the squatters’ basti,’ said an official of the National Investigation Department. ‘This time too, he has tried to gather sympathy by reaching the squatters’ basti a few days before the movement.’

Prasai has been warning the public to stock up on rations for the past few weeks, saying that he will block transport from East Mechi to West Mahakali. After he claimed to intensify the movement immediately after Chhath, the Chief District Officer and security chiefs of the Valley had called him for a discussion on 9 Kartik.

In a meeting with administrators and police officers, he said that he had no immediate plans for a protest and was preparing to protest in Poush, but would start from Mangsir for religious reasons. After the discussion, Prasai seemed restrained for a few days. He called journalists and said that he would be restrained. However, officials say that after some time, he started presenting himself in his old style.

According to the participants in the discussion held at the District Administration Office, Kathmandu, when government officials proposed talks, he replied that he was ready for it. Prasai had also submitted a written letter with his demands to Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal through the Chief District Officer.

‘We called for discussions after many things came up about holding a protest, he said that he was not prepared for such a month or a half, there is a record of that conversation,’ said Kathmandu Chief District Officer Ishwor Raj Poudel, ‘Only a month and a half ago, there was a big protest, which damaged government structures and physical infrastructure, prisoners were absconding, weapons were outside, etc., and we asked them not to protest now.’ 

After Home Minister Aryal himself said that talks could be held with Prasai, the officials informed Prasai about it. Prasai addressed the letter to Minister Aryal during the same discussion. Prasai wrote in the letter details of their agenda and their willingness to talk about it. ‘The ministry has already opened the door to talks by issuing a press release saying that if there are legitimate demands, come and let’s talk,’ says Prajia Poudel, ‘in that case, we had conveyed the letter he gave to the Home Minister.’ 

Prasai himself told Kantipur that the letter was sent with demands including changes in the system, waiver of loans of up to Rs 2 million for poor people, and the opportunity to repay loans exceeding that amount in 25 years at 5 percent interest. ‘But, when we talk about talks, they keep me under surveillance, they are conducting media trials,’ Prasai said, ‘How can we talk like that?’ 

While talking to reporters after leaving the administration, he said that the current government had called him for talks and that he would discuss it at least once. ‘Yesterday, KP Oli did not do even that, everything was discussed with the CDO, SSP, SP and the chiefs of the National Assembly,’ Prasai said, ‘Political matters are not at our level, others can do it.’ He recalled the Maoist war and said that talks had been held repeatedly at that time, and that the government’s call for discussions this time was positive.

After Prasai made a series of statements saying that the country would be brought to a standstill, a meeting of security chiefs was also held at the Home Ministry. At that time, all four security mechanisms were concerned that Prasai’s movement might be infiltrated. It was pointed out that some religious extremist groups had also been seen in programs organized by Prasai in the past, so there could be other risks. In this situation, the Nepali Army had also suggested dialogue with Prasai.

‘After that, the Home Minister himself is ready to talk, and initiatives are being taken for that,’ said an official of the ministry, ‘The country is not in a position to tolerate another movement now, and preparations for the elections will also have to be made. That is why the government has adopted a policy of dialogue with all parties.’ After receiving Prasain’s letter, the ministry is preparing to hold talks with him on 26 Kartik. Home Minister Aryal himself will talk to him in that regard. 

Prasain is claiming that the country is currently in the most difficult situation since Prithvi Narayan Shah unified it and that the security system is very weak. In such a situation, he claims that he is going to launch a decisive movement to save the country. ‘In the past, after the 12-point agreement reached in Delhi on 7 Mangsir, the Hindu nation and the monarchy were removed from the country, so we are going to start the movement from that day (7 Mangsir),’ he told Kantipur. 

On the path from Maoist to monarchist,

Prasai, who has now made a name for himself by demanding a monarchy and a Hindu state, was once a favorite of the Maoists who waged an armed rebellion demanding a republic. According to old communist leaders of Jhapa, when the armed conflict in the country was at its peak, he had also provided all possible support to the then rebel Maoists.

That is why he had to spend time in military custody. ‘There was a dispute within his family, and it may have occurred to him at that time that the Maoists would help resolve it,’ said a communist leader of Jhapa. ‘When he did not get support from the state bodies and others, he used to provide vehicles to the then rebel groups and provide shelter to the leaders.’ Later, he won a family case, even traded land in Birtamod. And, he strengthened his financial position. Before the Maoists started the armed struggle, he had also traded buffaloes.

After the Maoists entered the peace process, Prasai's closeness to Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal had also started to grow. However, when Prasai planned to build a hospital in Birtamod, many did not believe him. 'Many did not believe me,' he himself has said. Later, he took Dahal and inaugurated a 700-bed hospital in Birtamod.

In particular, after the construction of the hospital started, he would go to the airport to welcome the leaders of any party who came to Jhapa, and would arrange vehicles for them. In this way, he began to broaden the scope of political relations. In return, his only demand was, 'Help us get affiliation to B&C Medical College.' 

Later, while UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli and Dahal were discussing with the aim of unifying the UML and the Maoists, Prasai went viral on social media. At other times, top leaders of the two communist parties would hold secret discussions at the house of construction entrepreneur Sharada Prasad Adhikari in Manbhavan, but on 6 Falgun 2074, Oli-Dahal chose Prasai's residence in Bhaktapur for the dialogue. At that time, Prasai, a medical entrepreneur, came into the spotlight with a photo of him feeding the two leaders with rice from Marsi rice. That photo was also made public by those close to him. 

Prasai, who was close to Dahal but could not get affiliation, became close to Oli after the UML and Maoists merged to form the NCP. On 6 Falgun 2077, Oli inaugurated the Purbanchal Cancer Hospital in Birtamod with Oli as the chief guest. Oli, who was the Prime Minister at that time, had even announced that 'B&C would get affiliation soon'. However, when the Medical Education Commission did not take a decision in favor of B&C, Prasai had a dispute with the officials, and the dispute reached the point of litigation. Later, he not only became a representative in the UML's statutory general convention, but was also nominated as a central member in the 10th general convention of the UML. 

In 2079, he had also done his homework to become a candidate from Jhapa 3. However, he was asked to stand in the provincial assembly, but Prasai was not ready. After that, he neither got a ticket, nor did his medical college get affiliation. After that, he even started increasing his distance from Oli. 'I had invited Prachanda and Oli to my house because if the two parties unite, the country would find a way out,' he had said recently in a discussion with journalists, 'My only greed was affiliation, I had no other interests.' 

He had even said that if he had gotten affiliation, he would probably have been able to live in the east as a businessman. 'If that had happened, I would not have come to this place, it would have been good that I did not give it,' he said, 'Because, I came to this place, I was able to explain it to the Nepalis.'  

When he came to the conclusion that he would not get support from Oli-Dahal for the medical college, he announced a campaign to protect the citizens in 2079 by putting former King Gyanendra Shah and former Crown Prince Paras Shah on stage. According to Prasai's claim at the time, he had also invited top leaders of all parties to join the campaign. However, no leaders of political parties reached, and instead, he was expelled from the UML on 13 Falgun 2079 because of the same campaign. After that, he became a complete monarchist. Giving a strong statement in favor of the borrowers of banks, microfinance and cooperatives, he set out on the path of becoming an activist.

Having distanced himself from the parties, he also increased his meetings with former King Shah. While in Damak, he even had an hour-long conversation with former King Shah. Later, on 15 Chaitra, a group including him announced a movement to restore the monarchy. However, two people died in the movement and dozens were injured. Prasai was arrested, and while in custody, he did not see the goodwill of the RPP and the monarchists. Even the leaders of the RPP have been deflecting the blame and have been flinching. Since then, he has been making strong statements against RPP President Rajendra Lingden and has announced a separate campaign saying that he will return the Hindu nation and the monarchy. 

Since the destruction of Chaitra 15, he has been claiming that he is also with India. It was especially assumed that he is with Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. However, after the violent protests in Tinkune on Chaitra 15, he fled and reached India through the eastern border, Kakadbhitta, but did not receive any help there.

According to police officers involved in the investigation, Prasai had also reached Prayagraj, Lucknow and New Delhi in search of help at that time. However, after not seeing any help, he reached Assam in northeastern India. Police say that the house where Prasai was staying also belongs to a local leader. The investigation conducted at that time also revealed that he had connections with state-level leaders of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the parent organization of India's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).