Although the policy, structure, budget and monitoring methods are in practice to mainstream the deprived community, neither policy and structural arrangements have been made for Dalits, nor has the budget been made. The government, which created a separate ministry for gender and sexual minorities, who do not constitute even one percent of the population, has ignored 14 percent of Dalits. In such an environment, it is necessary to create pressure for a proportional budget.

The government, which decided to apologize with a program within 15 days, did not apologize to Dalits even after 2 months. It did not put the word apology in the policy program, nor did it include Dalit issues. This is a great betrayal of Dalits. This attitude of the government says that the apology was not for Dalit liberation, but was an artless drama/stunt to win the 'hearts' of Dalits and collect 'votes'. After this coup by the Balendra Shah government, it has become clear once again – the state administrators and parties, whether new or old, only want to make Dalits a ladder to power and a vote bank. The apology, which was promoted in a way that disregarded the constitutional and legal achievements of the Dalit movement, was not included in the policy program, so the ‘chapter’ of granting forgiveness has now become ‘closed’.

The state and the concerned community are not aware and sensitive about the method of mainstreaming the deprived communities mentioned above. Even though it is written in golden letters, the abstract words of the constitution neither remove untouchability nor improve the living standards of the Dalit community. Experience so far proves that the Dalit community has been subjected to injustice due to the lack of budget arrangements according to the method mentioned above.

The agitators who fought to establish Dalit rights in the constitution and law are not aware of the Dalit-friendly budget. Party leaders, leaders of fraternal organizations, MPs, ministers, journalists, intellectuals, public representatives and activists neither understand the importance of the budget nor have the knowledge of advocacy. In some cases, it seems that no one is interested in a Dalit-friendly budget. The entire movement focuses on Dalit representation and untouchability issues, but no attention is paid to the budget, which is essential for ending untouchability and uplifting Dalits. Representation benefits only a limited number of people, but a Dalit-friendly budget benefits the entire community. Therefore, the main issue of the movement now is to make a Dalit-friendly budget.

The state treasury and budget are not the ancestral property or possession of any government, party, leader or individual. This is a tax paid by ordinary Dalits with their blood and sweat. The budget is not something that anyone can ask for and give or take. Therefore, it is unacceptable for any class or community to always dominate the budget and for any class to sit on the sidelines. The Dalit movement must now understand the fact that the Dalit community is entitled to a proportional budget as citizens of this country and as taxpayers.

Due to the lack of knowledge and information about the budget among the Dalit community, this issue has not become the main issue of the movement. The state and parties are lenient towards Dalits. If the state administration had a little discretion, then adequate budget would have been allocated for the most backward Dalit community, who are victims of extreme violence and discrimination. However, the indiscriminate and biased state has never been sensitive.

Trapped in the vicious cycle of poverty, discrimination and exploitation, 14 percent of Dalits are paying taxes to the state by shedding blood and sweat. However, they have not yet received a budget from the state in proportion to the tax. Is the Dalit community itself deprived of the budget? Who gave the state administrators the right to prohibit the budget for Dalits? Does the state/budget belong to them alone? Does the Prime Minister/Finance Minister give the budget from his ancestral property? Otherwise, the government/Finance Minister does not have the right to deprive Dalits of the taxes/budget that Dalits have paid with their blood and sweat.

If the Dalit movement was conscious and strong, then the government could have staged a strong movement if the entire Dalit community was not allocated a budget. The Dalit movement, which should have been like a 'flame of fire' that people are afraid to touch, has become like a 'drop of frost'. And it is natural for the rulers to despise it.

The government should give Dalits first priority in the budget to end the legally institutionalized caste system and bring the Dalit community, who are at the bottom of society, into the mainstream of the state. However, due to the neglect and irresponsible role of the state, Dalits are being deprived of the budget. Historical experience says that now is the decisive moment to struggle for the budget. Is the Dalit movement ready to fight against the incompetent and reactionary government's neglectful tendency?

The Dalit movement has become weak due to the prevailing tendency of not jointly protesting against discrimination and atrocities against the Dalit community, being divided between the government and the opposition, not coming together on common issues, and focusing on the interests of the government. When the movement is weak, the neglect and intolerant behavior of the state, society, and parties also increases, and the Dalit community seems to be at further risk. Therefore, the Dalit community should be ready to take joint initiatives through a Dalit-friendly budget.

In the past, when there was only one budget-making body, advocacy was done in one place. Now, with 761 governments, a strategy to pressure and suggest at the right place is necessary. The Dalit community must agitate at all three levels with a single demand that at least 20 percent of the development budget be allocated for Dalits. There is no alternative for the leaders in the party, fraternal organizations, civic associations/organizations, people's representatives and the Dalit Commission to move forward by formulating a Dalit-friendly budget (DRB). An environment should be created to allocate 20 percent of the development budget for Dalits with proportional compensation at all three levels.

The government should allocate a Dalit-friendly budget (DRB) for the effective implementation of the provisions in the constitution, enacting an integrated Dalit Development Act, establishing a Dalit Development Authority, bringing programs for the upliftment, development and empowerment of the Dalit community, modernizing traditional professions and businesses, working for Dalit human rights, and establishing provincial offices of the Dalit Commission to empower them with resources.

This time's budget should work for the upliftment, development, empowerment and prosperity of Dalits who are lagging behind in all sectors including politics, society, economy and education due to policy-based and structural discrimination and deprivation.