There is no justification for the people to support a Communist Party that rejects the very demands of those whose liberation agenda the Communist Party was formed on.
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The leftist force is not just a person with a certificate from a specific communist party, but a force that carries out progressive economic-political and social transformation by bringing about progressive transformation of society or ending the status quo. When understanding the leftist force, all communists who want economic-social transformation may be leftists, but not all leftists may be communists. The leftist force that advocates radical changes in the Nepali state, economy, and society is large. The core character of leftist politics is to strengthen the people through radical changes by analyzing the dialectical interrelationships of the political system, economy, and socio-cultural spheres. Theoretically, leftist ideas support the basic class and struggle to end class discrimination. Progressive socio-economic transformation based on social inclusion and social justice is the basic ideology of leftist politics. This ideology seeks to ensure meaningful representation of social diversity in all components of the state as well as in political parties or social organizations, and struggles to end all forms of discrimination, exclusion, violence and injustice on the basis of caste, gender, language, religion, community and culture. It is believed that this force fights resolutely for national independence and struggles against imperialist domination and capitalist oppression. However, such theoretical approaches are meaningless if they are not put into practice.
The role of the left-wing forces in the past was effective in ending the autocratic and feudal system in Nepal. From the end of the Jahaniyan Rana regime to the end of the monarchy, that is, in the establishment of a federal democratic republic, the left-wing political forces as well as the democratic forces played an equally important role. Moreover, the Communist Party also seems to have taken the ideological leadership in laying the ideological foundation, struggling and institutionalizing the work of restructuring the state of Nepal with a federal democratic republic. Despite the change in the political system, the gap between economic and social inequality in Nepali society is widening. The rich are getting richer and the poor are being pushed into a vicious cycle of poverty. The country's governance system is moving towards the right. Rather than listening to the voice of the people, attempts are being made to implement arbitrary and arbitrary decisions of the rulers. The government may make efforts to reform governance, but the issue of radical socio-economic transformation of the country is not a priority for this government. The government does not seem to be interested in the issues of the basic class, women, working people, and marginalized communities. The government's policies and programs have also made this issue clear. In such an environment, there is no room for progressive leftist forces to gain power.
The history of the Communist Party
The people of Nepal have been supporting the leftist communist parties for a long time. Since the change in the country's political system, the people have supported the Communist Party in the parliamentary elections as well. Compared to past election results, the Communist Party has never lost as much public trust as it does now. Arithmetic matters in parliamentary politics, but the pace of Communist Party representation in Parliament is declining at a very rapid pace. In 2074, the Communist Party had about 63 percent representation in Parliament, but it decreased to 44 percent in 2079. In the 2083 election, it shrank to about 15 percent. Why did the Communist Party lose public opinion at such a rapid pace in about a decade? Has the Communist Party's relevance in Nepal's parliamentary politics gone down the drain? Or has the Communist Party been avenged for abandoning the people's agenda or for betraying the people's dreams? Or, has it failed to develop timely ideas, perspectives, policies, and programs and establish new ideas and leadership according to the new economic, political, and social environment? Despite such a trend of the Communist Party, the parties still do not seem ready to review and transform their ideas, perspectives, leadership, policies and programs. This has not only weakened Nepal's leftist politics, but has also betrayed the aspirations of the grassroots class for liberation.
In principle, the leftist party should work for the progressive economic and social transformation of the country on the streets, in parliament or when in power. However, the leftist parties of Nepal may appear to be leftists when they are out of power, but they themselves have not been able to carry out any progressive transformation work when they are in power. The leftists have always raised the issue of the liberation of the landless, poor and squatters. However, after coming to power, they did not formulate any program to solve these problems. No policy was formulated to transform the economic life of the poor, who had become deranged due to feudal exploitation and oppression. Instead, the ruling communist parties were eager to create an environment where middlemen flourished in alliance with the capitalists and the rich indulged in their whims. The leadership and cadres fighting for class liberation were uplifted, but they did not work towards the class transformation of the workers who did not receive 10,000 rupees a month even after working 12 hours a day. They never brought policies, programs and plans to solve the class problems of the landless, squatters and forced to live in a weak economic situation. Even now, millions of working people are falling victim to capitalist exploitation. Not only within the country, but also millions of migrant workers who have gone abroad for employment are being exploited by the state, businessmen, middlemen and foreign companies. However, those issues did not concern the communist parties that claim to work for the welfare of the working people.
After the formation of the government under the leadership of Balen Shah, a series of extreme repressions against squatters, working people and the poor class has begun. The government has forced the poor and squatters to shed tears. The communist-named parties are watching the dozer terror carried out by the government at gunpoint on the squatters. The communist parties are laughing while the working class, who are ready to sacrifice their lives in the communist movement, are living a humiliated life or are drowning in tears due to state terror. There is no justification for the people to support a communist party that rejects the demands of the people on whose liberation agenda the communist party was formed. If the parliamentary communist party does not seriously review these issues, they will not be able to fulfill the dream of progressive socio-economic transformation.
Nepal's leftist parties may appear leftist when they are out of power, but they have not been able to bring about any progressive transformation when they are in power. The biggest weakness of the communist party leadership is the misuse of the power acquired from the people for power interests. The tendency to reach power by any means, through alliances, tricks, and deception, and to repeatedly give opportunities to people in the party's specific syndicate, has also created this habit of the parliamentary Communist Party. Naturally, the struggle of the oppressed community and the Maoist People's War raised the agenda of proportional inclusive representation in Nepal politically. However, the same caste, class, and gender still dominate the main decision-making positions of the same party. The physical representation of Dalits, women, Madhesis, indigenous peoples, Tharus, and Muslims, etc. in the party headquarters is negligible. Not only this, the oppressed class, community, and gender have always been ignored even when it comes to reaching state power. On the other hand, limited opportunities have been continuously given to limited people who have failed repeatedly. Neither has an inclusive leadership been established in the Communist Party, nor in terms of ideas and perspectives.
Nepali society is a repository of social crimes. Patriarchy prevails in almost all societies, resulting in violence, discrimination and injustice against women. Hegemonic oppression against castes and communities continues. Incidents of discrimination, injustice and crime against the poor, Dalits, workers and marginalized communities are becoming public day by day. Communist parties, claiming to be biased towards social justice, are maintaining silence in cases of murder, violence, rape and discriminatory crimes. Political parties, leadership and organizations do not want to come to the struggle against injustice. Why should the oppressed people support such parties? Don't the parties and leadership that claim to be communists have to answer such questions? However, they do not dare to give, because the concerns of the people have not become the primary issue of the party.
In principle, communist parties operate according to collective ideas, perspectives and policies. However, within the Parliamentary Communist Party of Nepal, there has been no way to develop an ideological discussion, develop ideas and solve new crises that have developed in the context of socio-economic contradictions. When totalitarianism prevails in the leadership of the Communist Party, questions have been denied. The leadership's initiative has become an idea, and party leaders and workers have been forced to become followers of the leadership's orders, not to form collective ideas and perspectives. If the Communist Party is unable to seriously review its past, criticize its past shortcomings, and formulate ideas in accordance with the new environment, it will be difficult to stop the reckless journey towards the end of the Parliamentary Communist Party.
Crisis-ridden national politics and the communist
Balen-led government have made the first attack on the squatters, poor and marginalized communities. The work of using bulldozers in the settlements is progressing nationwide without making a concrete plan of methods, procedures and alternatives. Looking at the government's attitude, this government does not seem to be in favor of protecting the rights of the poor, working people, laborers and marginalized communities. In such a situation, the progressive, leftist and communist parties need to fight for their class and community. However, there is no sign that the main communist parties of Nepal will stand firmly on the side of this class. At least, the communist party, which bears the theoretical responsibility to advocate for radical change, needs to stand firmly on the side of this class and community. The issue of what stance the communist parties take against the state's attitude of attacking the marginalized class and community will be important.
If we look at the global economy, a certain number of rich people are capturing a large number of resources. The capitalists are taking advantage of any opportunity or crisis. On the other hand, the poor are falling into a vicious cycle of increasing poverty. Whether they are victims of metered interest or financial exploitation by microfinance, workers in the informal sector or migrant workers, all are forced to suffer the brunt of rapid inflation. Daily livelihoods are in crisis. It is important whether the communist parties struggle to save the working class, marginalized classes and communities from the vicious cycle of inflation and poverty.
In the past, a new constitution was passed with the strength of communist and democratic political forces, including the restructuring of the state. The government is taking the initiative to amend the constitution. Acts and regulations are being amended. But, can the constitutional amendment address the issue of liberation of oppressed castes, classes, communities and oppressed communities? Will the state undergo a progressive and progressive transformation or will its rights be curtailed? How will the issue of ethnic, linguistic, and cultural autonomy be addressed? If an environment is created in which the rights of oppressed communities are curtailed, it is the responsibility of progressive and leftist forces to resist it.
Looking at the government's attitude, the government does not seem ready to discuss and consult with workers, laborers, and oppressed communities. So much so that the government does not seem to consult with the leadership and MPs of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The Prime Minister's unilateral tendency seems to have created a danger of taking the country towards a right-wing direction. If right-wing politics continues at this pace, it seems that the poor, working-class, and oppressed communities will be the most affected. Therefore, the responsibility of preventing a possible right-wing political accident is basically the responsibility of the leftist and democratic forces. Without a timely and serious review, new ideas, perspectives, and action plans, the Communist Party cannot provide practical answers to the questions raised about its legitimacy.
