The moment of victory can be joyful, it can also be hysterical. One situation is exciting, while the other is chaotic. Where will the new government that is being formed now be oriented after the results of the elections? It is not possible to assess it right now. On the one hand, there are unlimited expectations of the common people. On the other hand, there are the promises made publicly by the 'National Independent Party'. In addition to the existing laws and regulations and limited resources, the obstacles of the ancient state mechanism remain intact. Therefore, the current prospects are only waiting and wishing.

Once again, the political destiny that has been experienced until today and the minds of Nepalis who have been tormented by it are still asking the same old questions in the prelude to the arrival of the new government, and they are trying to be reassured about that.

Impunity and legal impunity have been a permanent trend of Nepal's governance. During the days of feudal monarchy, the rulers considered themselves to be elites and considered themselves above the law. Similar behaviors were prevalent. That is why citizens chose democracy as an alternative to monarchy in their desire to restore the rule of law. They changed the regime. But, ironically! The period of democracy established on the strength of the people was the time when the most law-breaking took place. Instability, violation of economic discipline, corruption, and the deterioration of the administrative machinery, along with the distortion of party politics, crossed the limit. The Gen-G generation's movements took place against this backdrop. The nation suffered unimaginable human and material losses.

In the past four decades, the country has seen and experienced the People's Movement of 046 BS and the Democratic Movement of 062/063 BS. During this period, the dynasty of the deposed king was destroyed, the leader of the people, Madan Bhandari, was assassinated, and many other murders and violence of a similar nature took place. Commissions of inquiry were formed with the aim of revealing the truth of all these and ensuring that justice could be served through the legal process. The reports of the commissions were submitted on time. The Prachanda Anil Commission, Mallik Commission, Rayamajhi Commission, Lal Commission, Gaur Incident Investigation Commission, Narayanhiti Massacre Commission, Madan Bhandari Murder Investigation Commission, Amar Lama Murder Investigation Commission, Belbari Massacre Investigation Commission, Madhesh Movement Damage to People and Property Investigation Commission, etc. were commissions. Investigations were carried out and reports were submitted, but no legal action was taken against the crimes confirmed by the investigation of those commissions and the accused related to them. The reports of some commissions were not even made public. These were the worst examples of impunity. These are shameful examples of legal immunity given on the basis of power and political influence. The country has reached this disaster due to the inaction of the political leadership and the entire series of events of misuse of state power.

Recently, a commission was formed under the chairmanship of former Justice Gauri Bahadur Karki to investigate the truth about the loss of public money and misuse of state power during the Gen-G movement. It has submitted its report. The current government did not consider it necessary to make the report public. Although not officially, the private media has already made the report public. However, making it public on time and implementing the recommendations in the report was not a priority of the outgoing government. Instead, it quietly shied away from responsibility. There was no sense of duty at all.

While the post of Prime Minister is being handed over from Sushila Karki to Balen Shah, it has not only been given the responsibility of running the state, but also the serious responsibility of taking legal action and providing justice to the victims as per the recommendations of the Karki Commission report, which the previous government left incomplete. What kind of behavior will the ruling party of the 'RSVP', which has been emphasizing the rule of law and the supremacy of law, actually show regarding this report? Will it be presented in a tough manner to implement the promise of good governance made publicly in the elections without calling strangers and relatives? Naturally, these are common questions in the minds of the common people. The readiness and effectiveness shown in the implementation of the Karki Commission Report is the first step towards the future success of the Balen government. It is also a tough test of political honesty. The question is whether or not the situation of impunity and legal impunity will end in the country from now on.

The Nepali people were excited and optimistic due to the presence of a new force in power, even after the people's movement of 046 BS. That is what they expected from the UML, which came to the leadership of the government in 051 BS against the backdrop of the Jhapa rebellion. And also during the Maoist-led government that emerged from the ten-year armed rebellion. In the then environment, all those political forces were new. However, over time, those so-called new political forces sank into the power one after another. They gradually became corrupt and distorted. The people's faith changed to distrust. As a result, when they reached this point in time, they became oriented towards merger or dissolution.

In the current context, the general public has also gained warm faith in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which has been established as the latest force. The people are expressing deep trust and expectations towards this new political force. The question now is – how will the 'RSS' transform this immense faith that has arisen at the people's level into power for the development and prosperity of the nation?

It is a well-known fact that the 'RSS' is not a united political force based on any declared philosophy or principle. The ‘RSVP’ is a legal front of people who have come together from various streams and trends in the course of popular desires such as change, good governance, and development. Some have separated from the old political parties after not getting opportunities and chances and have joined it. There are also young people who have been seeking refuge in anger, discontent, rebellion, and passion. The ‘RSVP’ has become a common ground for those who have come together from very different backgrounds, different histories, and different principles and thoughts. In this sense, it is not easy for the ‘RSVP’ to move forward together on the path ahead and reach a certain place. The tendency of the youth is to seek opportunities, to desire to fulfill desires and aspirations, to prioritize personal interests, and to indulge in emotions. When their own political party is in power, they are eager to make their own claims, seek opportunities, and seize opportunities. These characteristics put a lot of pressure on the leadership. As selfishness becomes dominant, not only internal conflicts within the party but also the possibility of internal conflicts increases. Party divisions and the emergence of parallel parties are an ancient disease of Nepali politics. The possibility of division and division increases when people who have come together only on emotional awareness rather than on a specific principle and philosophy. How far and for how long can the organization be safely led by this challenge? This is another question that is arising in the minds of the common citizen.

Another bitter reality of Nepal's power politics is the manipulation of foreign powers. Along with the rise of the 'RSVP', there is criticism that the American power center and the European Union have dominated national politics in particular. Some are comparing the current situation in Nepal with the dramatic rise of Zelensky in Eastern Europe and Ukraine, which is engulfed in a devastating war. An attempt has been made to interpret current politics in a different way by linking it to the Gen-G rebellion, the role of the American Youth Council and the International Republican Institute, and the strategic activities of the Deep State. Over time, the current developments and the faces of the players behind them will be revealed. However, the truth is that Nepal's national politics has never been free from the manipulation of foreign powers. Whether it is the Shah-era rulers who are portrayed as ideal characters of patriotism or the so-called democrats or leftists of the later period, all of them have been seen in one way or another as close to the centers of foreign power.

The direct presence of foreign powers on Nepali national politics began after the Sugauli Treaty of 1816. After Jung Bahadur's visit to Britain, Nepali rulers began to enjoy proving themselves superior to the British in the context of the First and Second World Wars. Under the guise of the 1950 Treaty of Friendship and Peace with India, New Delhi interfered in Nepal's daily administration by physically having its representatives present in the Council of Ministers. The Koshi and Gandak agreements of that time are a clear example of how much we were oppressed by foreign interests. The agreements on the Tanakpur and Pancheshwar projects are examples of this. On the other hand, the indifference shown by our rulers to resist the presence of Indian soldiers in Lipulekh and Kalapani is another. And the completed MCC was also a product of such external power interests.

While a new force is currently emerging in the ruling power, which has been weak since the past to protect national independence and sovereign integrity, there is talk of Nepal's possible involvement in the SSP-Strategic Security Treaty, the IPS-Indo-Pacific Strategy and other treaties, agreements and understandings of external power interests. What will be the foreign policy adopted by today's emerging new political power in Nepal, which is small in geographical size but strategically located at a very sensitive point? Will it weaken or strengthen Nepal's independence and national integrity? Also, what impact will it have on the two major powers of the subcontinent? Will Nepal turn into a camp for regional military conflict without any power taking notice of its interests? This is a common question for all Nepalese.

There are middlemen who are always stirring up trouble within the ruling power of Nepal. How will the new government be safe from them? By tempting them with commissions, bribes, and illegal income, these middlemen have been weakening not only leaders, cadres, and the government, but also the security agencies and the judiciary for a long time. Based on pressure and influence, they are skilled at obtaining legal immunity. Because of them, impunity has taken root and they consider themselves more powerful than the constitution and the law. How will the new government, the new power, present itself to them? This is also a major public question of the common citizen.