Elections: A crucial opportunity for a test of sanity

Democracy was established in Nepal on 7 Falgun 2007. 75 years after that, the general election that is going to be held in the current Falgun month stands in a special circumstantial context. This election is a historical point where the relationship between the state, society, and civic consciousness will be redefined.

Falgun 14, 2082

Yadav Aryal

Elections: A crucial opportunity for a test of sanity

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The main catalysts of the collective suffering of the contemporary global society we live in are the ‘illusion trap’ and the ‘algorithmic puppet’. The unbridled flow of information and the polluted diversity of communication have long blocked Nepali society ideologically. For the past few decades, the country has been infected with a sharp confusion between political fatigue and hope.

Nowadays, social conscience is limited within the scope of cosmetic materials selected by ‘algorithms’. As a result, society is inclined towards unnatural renewal of preconceived notions rather than critical thinking and natural tolerance for different opinions.

Information is abundant, voices are many, but practical direction is weak. The crisis of conscience is deepening. On the one hand, there is a sense of frustration arising from continuous political failures in society, and on the other, there is a dim hope for change. Any collective decision arising from a frustrated society and a tired social psychology is often at high risk of being half-baked, reactive, and short-sighted. When a society is mentally tired, it cannot think long-term.

It starts prioritizing immediate relief, easy solutions, and emotional gratification. In such a situation, even democratic decisions are not the result of conscience, but become a reaction to fatigue. Every action and reaction of our society is toxic. This is the most serious challenge facing Nepali society today, as well as the empirical structural reality.

Democracy came to Nepal on 7 Falgun 2007. 75 years later, the general election to be held in the current month of Falgun stands in a special circumstantial context. This election is a historical point where the relationship between the state, society and civic consciousness is redefined.

French philosopher Joseph Maistre had said in some context, ‘Every nation gets a leader according to its capacity. The quality of leadership is ultimately interrelated with the level of civic consciousness. This time is a test of civic consciousness – the question of whether we are capable of standing as free citizens or are we still limited to the part of political cadres and emotional loyalties.

The political status of being a free citizen is not just a birthright – it is the result of continuous practice, restraint, discipline and prudent choice. When a citizen surrenders his decision-making capacity to an unthinking party, an undemocratic leadership or an unorganized crowd, then he loses the dignity of civic freedom.

We are living in a time of defining contradictions and collective hysteria in Nepali politics today. On the one hand, the language of democracy is spoken, rights are discussed, on the other hand, fear, agitation, intolerance and blind loyalty are flourishing in civil behavior. This contradiction has become the inertia of our social psychology, not just in the political structure.

The main purpose of elections and voting is not the selection of individuals, but the selection of ideas. However, our political culture to date has not been able to accept this basic truth. We decide on the name, face, emotional appeal or 'momentary' excitement of the candidate. However, we do not seriously discuss the agenda, policies, perspectives and long-term impact that he carries. This is why democracy is a process, but consciousness cannot be created. 

When we vote, we should keep the idea he represents at the center, not the individual. The basis of change is not the individual, but the idea. The individual is changeable, but the idea gives institutional direction. For this, our collective ideological consensus is necessary in this situational general election, which can prioritize rational consensus rather than emotional polarization.

Today, we are standing in a state of unprecedented political confusion and fluidity. The legitimacy of the state, the credibility of institutions, and citizens' trust in the political process are simultaneously in jeopardy. In such a situation, if our prudent judgment is not used with conscious awareness, this crisis can also become a means of further institutionalizing it.

In social networks, public forums, and political-social dialogues, condemnation rather than thought, accusation rather than logic, and anger rather than conscience prevail. This is not just a crisis of expression, but also the decay of restrained craftsmanship. Today, social obscenity is becoming normalized. The language of disagreement is not civilized, the style of criticism is not responsible. Clash of ideas is necessary, but attacks on individuals weaken society intellectually. When dialogue becomes uncivilized, democracy becomes formless.

Public intellectual Bishnu Sapkota has said, 'A society that does not read does not think and does not understand logic.' This statement is very relevant in today's Nepali society. Most of our society does not read. Reading is not just about recognizing letters, it is about knowing how to deal with ideas. A society that does not read can be easily mobilized. Today's Nepali society is uncontrollably confused by 'digital algorithms'. The majority of Nepali society speaks more, thinks less, and is misled more. A large part of the current Nepali society is accustomed to 'attrition' rather than logic. Rumors rather than facts, emotional deviation rather than analysis, have become more effective. In such a situation, there is a risk that elections will not become a celebration of ideas but a war of emotions.

This situation is not accidental, it is the result of a socio-political addiction that we have been ignoring for a long time. If this trend cannot be corrected, democracy will remain limited to a process only, not a transformation into consciousness. Elections will continue to be held, governments will change. However, the dimension of citizen consciousness will remain the same. Such a democracy can neither provide justice, nor inclusiveness, nor long-term stability.

Falgun-21 is therefore not just a date, but a test of consciousness. The question is not who wins, the question is what kind of citizens do we emerge as? As a group guided by 'extreme' emotions or as independent citizens guided by conscience?

Ultimately, in this election, we will use the longevity of political consciousness with an objective analysis of the situation. We will not be confused by empty political rhetoric. We will be inspired by self-reflection and logical curiosity. We will remember Bhadra 23 and will not ignore Bhadra 24 in the slightest. Along with that, we will conduct a grand 'vote-revolt' from the polling station called the beautiful seat of democracy. And, after Falgun 21, every 'Amanepali citizen' will win and the country will win. National interest will win. The flow of time will win.

If we make this opportunity a moment of serious self-evaluation, we ourselves will sow the seeds of a new political culture through this election. However, if we limit this too to an emotional celebration like the previous elections, then we ourselves will be responsible for the continuation of status quoism. Missing this extraordinary opportunity will be considered a serious betrayal of the future of the nation.

 

Here is another important question – what does Falgun 21 give? The election will happen, but what will happen after the election? The decision depends on the collective conscience of us citizens – to become ‘conscious participants’ of contemporary change or just ‘abstract spectators!’

Yadav

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