There are 32 days left for the elections. However, the doubt in the minds of the people as to whether there will be elections has not been dispelled. Even the Sushila Karki government formed for the elections has not been able to give a definite guarantee of the elections.

Nor have the 'gurus' of Nepali society wanted to speak optimistically about the elections. 'No matter who comes, it's the same,' is a statement heard from many.  An elderly citizen was saying, 'If the government had been strong, there would have been no need for this election. '

Nowhere after the latest violent protests, the context of the constitution has been raised . No one has carried the agenda of preparing an active constitutional system for Nepal by adding the imperfections to the constitution . A section of the younger generation seems very excited about this election, which has come with the goal of summoning and finding a solution to the violent rebellion under the guise of a new generation movement.  Their enthusiasm seems to be politically positive. Like in other societies, the influence of social media is increasing in our society too. From the outside, the general public seems positive about the elections in the current environment.  Despite this positive sentiment in the minds of the people, the suspicion of 'will there be no elections?' has not disappeared.  In some countries, even bigger uprisings have occurred after the election results were not in their favor.  This aspect must have certainly caught the attention of the leadership of the Nepali Army and the Prime Minister of the interim government, Sushila Karki.

Interim Prime Minister Karki has appointed a 'favorable' person to the post of Attorney General to create a 'favorable environment' for the smooth resolution of controversial cases under various courts for the convenience of controversial individuals . Although such an appointment has paved the way for 'power and strength' for 'popular' candidates facing serious cases of financial embezzlement, it has increased the suffering of the ordinary Nepali people . Nepali politics is surrounded by the influence of middlemen . The relationship between political figures and middlemen is deepening . The upcoming elections are unlikely to be untouched by that influence .

Fortunately, nowhere after the latest violent protests, the context of the constitution has been raised . Neither the leaders and activists who contested the elections have raised the issue of constitutional amendment, nor have the country's self-proclaimed intellectuals. No one has carried an agenda to prepare an active constitutional system for Nepal by incorporating the imperfections in our constitution into the constitution.

When the Congress and the UML were in power, the leaders had put forward the agenda of constitutional amendment. The people have not forgotten this. The makers of the coalition have forgotten that, as promised, they would amend the current constitution and make it more favorable to the people. Even after the Bhadau movement, the parties standing on opposite sides do not seem to want to raise the issue of constitutional reform. Nor have the agitators thought about putting the constitution on the path of mandatory reform.

If we want to strengthen the federal republic, constitutional amendment is necessary. However, now, both the new and old leaders do not have the capacity and courage to reform the constitution. Shortly before the movement, there were reports of 'discussions' between Sher Bahadur Deuba and KP Sharma Oli to save the country from political instability. During the discussions, both leaders had reached a decision that the two big parties, the Congress and the UML, would run the government in turn to provide 'stable' good governance to the country. However, that decision could not be implemented. Such decisions were bound to be made after the dominance of the two parties over the government was established.

After the overthrow of the Maoist Party leader Prachanda, who was the decisive force for democratic change in the country, the bitterness between the political parties increased unnaturally. The situation in the country was not favorable in any way. Even amidst the adversities, the people had hoped that after the two big parties like the Congress and the UML formed a government together, there would definitely be some improvement in the country's economic situation. However, nothing like that happened.

The violent movement of Bhadau should be seen in this background. The Congress-UML government has neither been able to put the economy on the path of reform nor has it been able to take effective steps against corruption. While the government's Home Minister himself was dragged into controversy, other ministers have also been embroiled in shameful allegations of corruption. Some ministers of the Oli government and some Congress-UML MPs have been embroiled in corruption allegations. Recently, the court even pointed its finger at the Chief Commissioner of the Commission for the Prevention of Abuse of Authority.

During the one-year period of the Oli-led government, the country's politics has reached its most volatile and unstable phase. There is no hesitation in saying that the root cause of this instability is the inactive and incompetent leadership of the leaders of the political parties running the government. Whether big or small, the leaders of every party are involved in some form of corruption. Various problems are piling up in the country every day. However, neither Congress President Deuba has shown interest in finding solutions, nor does UML President Oli seem capable of reforming.

This is equally true: People involved in politics through the Congress and UML shamelessly started fulfilling their narrow interests. It was clear that the government and its agencies were intent on making the people parasitic and paralyzed rather than self-reliant. The country's only international airport became a barter market for brokers who illegally exported human beings. Some party leaders who seemed old, mature and honest were indulged in the greed of earning money.

The biggest thing is that the leaders at the leadership level of the Federal Democratic Republic did not have the capacity to dream of development. The joint government of the UML and the Congress could not formulate a sustainable policy for the country's economic development. There was no sarcasm between the oldest political party and the Nepali Congress, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML), and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which is known as the main factor in the establishment of the republic, and other small and big republican political parties. All of them were indulged in savoring power.

Everyone wanted the beginning of the democratic republic to bring about the political coordination necessary for the development of the country. However, all three of these main parties in the country appeared to be organizationally autocratic. The dictatorial tendency of the person who became the chairman or president of the central leadership to become the supreme leader of the party affected all the parties. This tendency spread not only to the central level parties but also to the provincial and local levels. This tendency was especially prevalent in the Madhesh parties established as supporters of the republic.

At present, no political party in the country, big or small, has the so-called 'root' leadership. The country's oldest and most democratic party, the Nepali Congress, seems to be divided into small groups of disillusioned individuals. The contradictions and contradictions within the other major party, the UML, have become apparent. In the Maoist party, voices were openly raised against the working style of the 'supreme leader' Prachanda. For the first time since the Maoist Party entered open politics, voices of dissent have been raised so loudly against Prachanda. All these things have led to the youth movement in Nepal.

The country's big tycoons and industrialists have become more active in the upcoming elections. Their increasing activity in various political parties has brought many issues to the surface. It is no longer difficult to predict who will win and who will lose the upcoming elections. The top leaders of the major political parties have reached a point where they are unable to make decisions. The talk that the destructive movement that took place during the 'active' leadership of UML Chairman Oli as Prime Minister has 'tarnished' his image has not subsided. However, the Nepali Congress and its President Deuba, who was the Prime Minister during the destructive movement, have suffered more damage than Oli. This incident has had a bad impact not only on Deuba's politics, but also on the politics of the Nepali Congress. The recently concluded special general convention has 'crowned' Gagan Thapa, the general secretary of the Nepali Congress, as the president. Due to the change of leadership on the eve of the elections, most of the leaders of the Nepali Congress are in limbo.

No party has been untouched by the developments that have developed since the movement. Recently, two parties of Madhesh, the Democratic Socialist Party and the Democratic Socialist Party, have merged. This has also had a major impact on the politics of Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda, who became the universally recognized leader by merging Madhav Nepal's Nepali Communist Party and other small and large communist parties. He is working day and night to win the elections. However, the glow that was visible on his face after the end of the People's War has disappeared.

Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah, who was preparing to participate in the elections, has resigned from his post and entered the parliamentary elections. He is preparing himself for the post of Prime Minister of the country. His supporters have presented him as the future Prime Minister. He is now running around the country to shine his personality as the 'future Prime Minister'. Balen, who became a member and senior leader of Ravi Lamichhane's National Independent Party on the eve of the elections, can become the Prime Minister only if his party gets a majority and secures a majority. His family members and supporters are active in Jhapa to fulfill his aspiration to sit on the Prime Minister's chair. They are gearing up to defeat KP Oli. Will their desire be fulfilled or not? Will the people of Jhapa give 'KP Ba' another chance or will they give Balen the garland of victory? It is impossible to say. Victory and defeat in elections are not only in the hands of voters. The defeat of Congress President Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, who demonstrated his governance skills as the interim Prime Minister after the National People's Movement of 2046 BS and promulgated a new constitution, is still viewed by the people as a surprising event. No matter how capable a leader is, he cannot escape the fate of defeat in elections. In the future, all the old and new leaders may appear.