Congress President Gagan Thapa is in the election race after being unanimously nominated by the party's central committee for the post of future Prime Minister.

The preoccupation of the chief commander of the election, Vice President Bishwaprakash Sharma, is similar. The role and future of these two characters, who have taken over the dominant 'elderly regime' in the Congress and have reached its leadership, has now become a matter of interest in Nepali political circles. 

Basically,  There are three types of interests that have been expressed. 

First, how well will these leaders, who have become the party's establishment by defeating the mathematically very strong President Sher Bahadur Deuba faction, be able to emerge on the electoral front? Or how successful will they be in turning the election results in their favor? 

Second, the Deuba faction, which has become defensive, has called a national meeting of the party, stating that it will not accept the decision of the new working committee. In other words, even though the internal conflict within the Congress has subsided on the eve of the election, it has not ended. In this context, how worthwhile will their efforts to unite the party by protecting it from possible disruptions in the election? 

Third, how long will the 'chemistry' between Gagan and Vishwa last? 

The most interest lies in the third question. The reason is that one of the main foundations of the changed destiny of the Congress is the relationship and cooperation between these two. Even if there is a slight dip in the 'spirit' of understanding between the two, the current enthusiasm and expectations may be dampened. 

Let's move this discussion forward with this question. 

The pairing between Gagan and Vishwaprakash is a pleasant sight in current politics. Experts have praised the practice of cooperation between these two and called it a 'positive culture'. Vishwaprakash is a senior leader than Gagan when he was in student politics. He was the president of the Nepali Students' Union, Gagan was the vice-president. Now they are in the exact opposite role. Gagan has become the president of the Congress, Vishwaprakash is his vice-president. Although their roles have changed slightly, these two leaders can be strong competitors for each other. Both of them, who have made the introduction of ‘mass leaders’, have their own unique talents and characters. However, both of them are promoting a culture of cooperation by joining hands. 

How did the duo form? Almost four and a half years ago, the date of the 14th Congress had not even been announced. There was already a debate in the Congress circle about changing the leadership. The emerging leader duo Gagan and Bishwaprakash were also ready to take the leadership. At that time, a strong ‘narrative’ emerged from the media discussions, ‘Gagan-Bishwap should be able to strengthen the shoulders to interfere in the leadership of the Congress.’ That ‘narrative’ became a reality when the 14th Congress arrived. Both the leaders were elected General Secretaries representing different factions. 

These two had an interesting start as General Secretaries. For example, the strong understanding between the two peer leaders on various issues and working styles is a memorable reference. An example of this was the case of Bishwaprakash openly supporting Gagan when he contested against Deuba in the parliamentary party elections. As the general secretary, this leader's role was becoming effective in the national scenario as well. Another example is the parliamentary approval of the American Development Project (MCC). Gagan's role in that process was felt by everyone. When the issue of MCC approval was becoming a matter of national controversy, he put forward the issue of MCC approval with an explanatory statement. Which became the 'booty' that led to the controversy. It is not that other leaders did not have a direct and indirect role in the MCC approval, but Gagan was seen as a 'game changer' in it. Just as Gagan's role was seen in the MCC approval, he also took the initiative to stop the American State Partnership Program (SPP).

He played a role in making the party's internal democracy alive. He knew that he did not have the numbers to defeat Deuba as the leader of the parliamentary party. Knowing that he would be defeated, he fought against Deuba. However, these initiatives and efforts were not enough to reform the Congress. Both the general secretaries were criticized by the party ranks for not being able to intervene strongly within the party, and they themselves were feeling helpless. The seasonal debate about whether the Congress would be reformed or not kept going, and they were forced to compromise with the leadership. The turmoil that came to Nepali politics in the last week of Bhadra changed the situation and these two leaders once again took the initiative to reform the Congress. In which they succeeded. 

The foundation of the 'chemistry' between Gagan and Bishwaprakash is not emotional, but political. It can even be called a strategic partnership. This is a 'conscious collaboration' carried out by these two leaders after realizing the need for structural change within the Congress. 

The collaboration between these two is also a kind of situational compulsion in Nepali politics, which has become in crisis after the Gen-G street protests of Bhadra 23 and the chaotic destruction of Bhadra 24. While the party system, or rather, the syndicate of limited leader system, was ruling under the guise of democracy, not only did dissatisfaction and anger towards it increase, but there were also demands to dismantle it from all sides. That pressure was also on Gagan-Bishwa, who was elected General Secretary in the 14th General Convention of the Nepali Congress. 

Although these leaders had previously taken initiatives to strengthen internal democracy, transfer of generations, and transfer of leadership within the party, it had not been as expected and sufficient. Somewhere or the other, they bowed down to the 'numbers game' within the party. Due to which they had to face a lot of criticism. Criticism and sarcasm targeting the General Secretary became widespread, saying that 'Congress will not improve by writing on Twitter and giving interviews to the media'. However, in the complex situation that arose after the Gen-G movement, these two leaders raised the bar for party transformation and stood firm to the point of rebellion. 

The role played by these two leaders in changing the Congress, both of them proved to be excellent as general secretaries, that is, it has been confirmed that their shoulders are strong to carry the burden of party leadership. They succeeded in reviving the Congress by holding a special general convention as per the constitution and changing the leadership. 

The important message given by Gagan-Vishwa from the special general convention is the political culture of cooperation and the spirit of collective leadership. There was a practice and tendency in the Congress to consider the president as the center of power. After the special general convention, the spirit of collective leadership has been sown in the Congress. 

It was not easy to change the leadership of a 'registry' party like the Congress. Gagan, who has been fighting relentlessly in the battle of generational change, was supported by Vishwaprakash, like a skilled charioteer gives to a warrior fighting on a battlefield. Historical examples are witness that to win a war, a skilled and capable warrior is needed, and the charioteer must also be skilled. The one who motivates the warrior, prevents him from getting distracted, and guides him in the right direction. The role of Gagan and Vishwa in the 'Mahabharata' within the Congress was an exemplary synergy between a skilled warrior and an accomplished charioteer. Vishwa Prakash did not fail to become Gagan's charioteer. He has also presented an example of sacrifice, cooperation and new political culture by putting forward a fellow leader as the Prime Minister. Along with this, the concept of collective leadership has entered the Congress.

Now responsibility has been added. After the Congress put Gagan forward as the future Prime Minister on Vishwa Prakash's proposal, Gagan has made a written resolution, 'We have changed the party, now we will change the country.' With the resolution to change the country, the Congress led by Gagan-Vishwa has entered the elections. In this sense, the strength of the shoulders of these two is once again being tested.

The special general convention is a 'trailer' of the fruits of the cooperation of these leaders. Who were able to forcibly intervene in the party by creating a new leadership. The 'climax' of the wise cooperation between these two remains to be seen. Therefore, they do not have the facility or the flexibility to withdraw or break this collaboration. Instead, they face a formidable challenge. How will they face these challenges, the public is watching with great interest. 

Now let's talk about the first and second concerns. How successful will they be on the electoral front ? And, how will they overcome the transition ? These concerns raised in the public sphere are the big challenges facing the two leaders . 

The country is becoming election-oriented. Barring any unforeseen misfortune, it has become a certainty that the elections will be held on the scheduled date. The Congress, with its new leadership, has also embarked on the election campaign. As it is embarking on the election, the Congress is in internal strife. Against this backdrop, there is a fear that the election results may be affected by internal conflicts from within the party, on the one hand, and on the other hand, there is the newly elected promising new leadership. Which has taken the risk and fielded most of the new faces as candidates and has stood firm on the electoral front. This time, the election has become a clash between the new and the old. Although the party is old in terms of party, the Congress has both opportunities and challenges as it has entered the elections with a promising leadership. 

A large line of opportunistic tendencies is standing in the elections in the name of new and alternative forces. That line, which enjoys favoritism and flashiness more than competence and vision, has neither ideas nor any long-term program and thinking. The Congress also has an opportunity to confront the tendency that is trying to adapt the results to its own interests by grossly misusing technology and relying on false propaganda. At a time when elections are becoming more individual-oriented, the Congress can play the role of making it idea and issue-oriented. If the new leadership of the Congress can go with practical commitments, not lip service to clear election issues and their implementation, it can overcome the challenge of the electoral front. 

Elections are not contested for defeat. It is necessary to win. However, more importantly, the Congress should emphasize on restoring lost trust. The structural reform of the party, the currently growing political culture, and institutionalizing the spirit of collective leadership should be the main issues for the Congress. 

The old establishment of the Congress is not able to accept the legitimacy of the new leadership . The Election Commission has already declared legitimacy. Politically, the new leadership has gained legitimacy. However, the old establishment is reluctant to accept this change in the Congress. It is not that the Congress is not free from the risks of going to the elections amidst this reluctance and strife. Yes. However, the new leadership has the responsibility to transform the Congress into a citizen-oriented political force, not the same old power-centered party. Therefore, without worrying about the election results, the new leadership must first be able to literally follow the arrangements made to strengthen internal democracy through the special general convention. There is a disease in Nepali politics that what is written and passed is not implemented. It must be freed from it. 

Another disease that taints politics is opportunism. Opportunistic tendencies have also started to stir around the new power center of the Congress. Political 'fixers' of various guises have reached the leadership and started to manipulate them. The leadership of Gagan-Bishva should be careful here. Instead, this leadership can start implementing the biggest issue of this election, good governance, before the election. For example, the opacity of the assets of those in high positions is the most important issue at the moment. It is a matter of investigating it after going to the government tomorrow. Now, the new leadership of the Congress can make its assets public and start addressing this issue on its own and send a strong message. If the Congress can do this in a way that is not propaganda-oriented and election-oriented, but in a way that shows that it is committed to good governance in practice, it will be an achievement. Gagan has announced that the faction has broken up. If it can be put into practice, it will be another achievement.