I had the opportunity to spend a few months with CK Prasai, a staunch fighter in Nepal's democratic movement, a leader of the Nepali Congress and above all, an intellectual and political thinker, in Kathmandu's Bhadragol Jail. He was always eager to talk to young people interested in politics.

During the talks, he often quoted a popular saying – ‘In politics, no one has a permanent enemy or a permanent friend. People involved in politics take sides and oppose each other based on their own vested political interests.’

CK’s statement has been proven time and again. It was proven again when violence suddenly entered the Gen-G movement. The government was formed by two big parties, the Congress and the UML. The party’s know-it-all leaders were more confident than necessary about the ‘stability’ of the government. It was not surprising that Prime Minister and UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli and the clever Congress leader and Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak could not get any indication of the possibility of violence in the movement.

Neither the Home Minister nor the operators of his information system had received information that violence was entering the movement in a planned manner. They were confident – ​​no one could shake us. Due to this arrogance of the government’s key leaders, the government’s information system and security system remained inactive and silent. The government’s conduct was also not democratic. The leaders of the Congress-UML, who were 'intoxicated' with arrogance, could not even find out when the Nepali Army took control of power. 

Between the months of Bhadau and Poush, UML Chairman KP Oli made himself safe by calling a convention of his party. However, the country's oldest and most prestigious political party, the Congress, was united in its own tune. An unorganized group of hooligans attacked President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife in the name of the Gen-G movement.

President Deuba was injured. After treatment at the military hospital, he entrusted his responsibilities as the party president to Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka and went to Singapore for treatment. Even after returning from there, President Deuba did not want to manage the party. He could not feel the heat of the times. He could not feel that the future of the Congress was in doubt.

In general, it seems that the Congress is on the path of division at this time. However, division is certain to be suicidal for the Congress. Political opinions have been divided. The international environment also does not seem to be in favor of the ‘adult’ leaders of the Congress. The association and interaction of the senior leaders of the party are more seen with the middlemen. The special general convention held under the ‘tireless’ efforts, call and coordination of the General Secretary of the Congress, Gagan Kumar Thapa, has replaced President Sher Bahadur Deuba and established Thapa as the President. This decision, made in the absence of President Deuba, now seems to have put the leaders of the Deuba faction in a bind.

There is no doubt about it – the Nepali Congress is the only vibrant organization of the democratic political stream. Its role as the leader of the 2007 revolution against the Rana regime was decisive. In the next decade or so, the founding leaders of the Congress continued the campaign to institutionalize parliamentary democracy and began the struggle to hold parliamentary elections.

Mahendra, who became king as his successor after the death of King Tribhuvan, was ambitious. He wanted to keep the parliament under his control. King Mahendra's main desire was to keep the Congress, which had been struggling to bring the seven-year revolution to a decisive stage of democracy, out of power. King Mahendra's personal 

relationship with the founder of the Nepali Congress, BP Koirala, was cordial. However, his political relationship with BP was bitter. As a result, although the authoritarian Rana regime was formally ended on Falgun 7, 2007, the first parliamentary elections were held only in 2015.

Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had goodwill towards the Nepali royal family. Politically, for Nehru, Nepal's status was no less than that of any Indian princely state. In addition, he was not only 'impressed' with BP Koirala's intellectual capacity and ideological commitment, but also 'suspicious'. Suspicious because BP had a 'friendship' with Indian socialist thinker Ram Manohar Lohia.

In the then political scenario, King Mahendra must have felt that the Nepali Congress would be defeated in the elections. However, in the 2015 parliamentary elections, the people voted for the Congress with a two-thirds majority. Neither the 'rebel' leader Dr. KI Singh's 'paddy ears' could swing before the Congress, nor did the people's vote fall into the 'hands' of Pandit Ranganath Sharma. The people's vote was clearly in favor of the Congress.

But the 'two-thirds' majority power that the Congress got proved to be a curse for the Congress and democracy. BP Koirala's clear thoughts and sentiments were in favor of the people. Seeing this, King Mahendra hijacked the parliament on Poush 1, 2017 and started 'direct rule' under his leadership. He imprisoned BP and all important leaders. He established a non-partisan panchayat system. The Nepali Congress fought a long struggle against this move of the king - in the first phase under the leadership of leader Suvarna Shumsher and in the second phase under the leadership of BP Koirala. In the meantime, many incidents and counter-incidents took place.

Shortly before the death of King Mahendra, BP fled to India with the intention of engaging in armed struggle. However, he saw the futility of armed struggle. During the reign of King Birendra, BP returned from exile with a policy of national unity and reconciliation. King Birendra decided to test the Panchayat system by holding a referendum. The non-party Panchayat won the referendum by a narrow margin. Although the multi-party party was defeated in terms of elections, its legitimacy was established. 

A decade after the referendum, a national people's movement was called for in 2046, bringing together all parties under the coordination of the respected leader Ganeshman Singh. This movement restored multi-party democracy in the country.

Although some notable policy work was done in the field of economic and social development during the multi-party democracy, the work of raising the living standards of the common people was not sufficient due to mutual distrust and growing ambitions among the Congress leaders. As soon as the Nepali Congress formed the government under the leadership of Girija Prasad Koirala, the opposition began to create obstacles. The intolerant behavior of the opposition, the growing discord in the party, and the government's own short-sighted behavior began to shrink the size of its power. 

Prime Minister Koirala announced mid-term elections after the dissatisfaction of his party colleagues and strong opposition from the opposition. The Nepali Congress lost its parliamentary majority in the elections. The UML formed a minority government. But that government also collapsed within nine months. After the Supreme Court blocked the dissolution of parliament, the former Pancha party formed a government under the leadership of Sher Bahadur Deuba in alliance with the Rastriya Prajatantra Party.

By then, the Maoists had already planted their flag with the declaration of organized armed rebellion. Prime Minister Deuba ruled the government for about a year and a half. During his time, the 'Mahakali Treaty' was signed with India. At that time, KP Oli, who was the UML leader, stood firmly in favor of the Mahakali Treaty signed with India. At that time, the Bharatiya Janata Party was not ruling India. Since then, a 'friendship' relationship has been established between Oli and Deuba. A few months after the 2079 elections, a joint government was formed between the Maoists and the Congress, but that government collapsed after the Congress's Mahasamiti meeting held in Godavari. 

Then, an agreement was reached between Congress President Deuba and UML President Oli to form a joint government. An agreement was reached that Oli would run the government for half the time and Deuba would run the government for the remaining half of the time and hold elections. The Congressmen were delighted. However, this dream of Oli and Deuba was blown away by the storm of the Gen-G movement. Oli did not remain the Prime Minister. The Nepali Army snatched his governing rights in a 'respectful' manner and even protected him. However, the anarchic group that came wearing the badge of Gen-G did not only harass Deuba, they also took away his dignity. Even his wife was harassed. 

The 'sham' Prime Minister Sushila Karki, appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Nepali Army, has been given a deadline of Falgun 21 to hold elections. And, at this time, the atmosphere on the world stage has been badly disrupted. The 'powerful' President of the United States, Donald Trump, has kidnapped the President of Venezuela.

Most of the developing and underdeveloped countries of the world, including Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Iran, and Israel, have become terrorized. The conflict between the enemies since birth, India and Pakistan, is increasing. Countries around the world that have been living in hope and aspiration for happiness and peace are terrified. Moreover, the 'digital' technology, which has come as a gift of science, has helped spread terror in the minds of the small and people who want to move forward on the path of development. Various media outlets operating in the name of social media using digital media never tire of showing the disgusting scenes of a turbulent world.

In this difficult situation, all kinds of political players, old and new, of Nepal have gathered to seize power by playing the game of 'snake, rat and frog'. The common people are innocently surprised by watching their 'high life drama'. Will these 'Ratnakars' be able to transform into Valmiki or not? This is a different question. 

At present, Congress President Deuba is caught in the clutches of various factions within the Congress. This is not unnatural. He himself has made up his mind to contest the election from Dadeldhura 'for the last time'. The Congress is currently caught in the trap of the 'general convention' held under the initiative of Gagan. The need of the hour is to free the party from this suicidal trap and create an environment for holding elections on time. 

In the current situation where the slogan of ‘first elections, then party’s general convention’ of President Deuba and most of the Congress leaders has passed, most of the youth of the Congress are preparing to go to the elections after the ‘special general convention’ of the Congress, which was held under the efforts and initiative of Gagan Thapa.

The special general convention has already elected Gagan as the president. Of course, this decision of the special general convention has started a new ‘struggle’ in the Congress. This ‘struggle’ will not lead the Congress to the path of victory. Except for some ‘sophisticated’ and influential candidates who can raise ‘unlimited resources’ for the elections, it cannot bring positive changes in the lives of honest Congress workers of the Congress. The only logical way for the Congress to prepare for the elections without getting caught up in the ‘regular’ and ‘special’ conventions is to include all the workers in the preparations for the elections.