It was Khadka's big political mistake to spend a month and a half deciding whether to hold a general convention before the election, practicing running a 'faction' that even Deuba had abandoned.
We use Google Cloud Translation Services. Google requires we provide the following disclaimer relating to use of this service:
This service may contain translations powered by Google. Google disclaims all warranties related to the translations, expressed or implied, including any warranties of accuracy, reliability, and any implied warranties of merchantability, fitness for a particular purpose, and noninfringement.
Purna Bahadur Khadka is one of the leaders who had the opportunity to take the reins of the party at the most crucial juncture in the history of the Nepali Congress.
Khadka is a relatively uncontroversial, loyal, and ideologically disciplined leader within the party. Ironically, Khadka is not completely free from the responsibility of the current turmoil within the Congress.
Newly elected President Gagan Kumar Thapa said in an interview with Kantipur on Friday evening, ‘If Purna Dai had shown his enthusiasm and activism in the last few days, this situation would not have come to this.’
Thapa’s statement was not just a simple political comment, it was a serious question on the role of the then acting President.
The special general convention organized in accordance with Article 17 (2) of the party statute was not the result of anyone’s favor or hostility. It was a compelling situation to implement the statute. A petition was registered on Asoj 29 with the signatures of 54 percent of the representatives. Khadka himself understood that petition. The special general convention, which was to be called within ninety days, was tried to be avoided by the Central Working Committee. As a result, the then two general secretaries, Gagan Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma, called it.
Even then, Khadka is now questioning its legitimacy and accusing the Election Commission of its decision, which is the most unbalanced and self-conflict of his political life, and is an indication of the inner conflict between loyalty and moral politics.
The reactions Khadka is now giving after the Election Commission updated the Central Working Committee elected from the special general convention are unnatural. He has called the Commission's decision against the law, a setting and conspiracy of foreign powers, and warned of agitation, court and election boycott.
Now the question arises - could a senior leader of the Democratic Party, who has deep knowledge of the party constitution, escape by fearing a special general convention after a demand for it with 54 percent signatures? If the party was going to split, why was such a clause included in the constitution?
The ability of leadership is not only to hold office, but also to understand the sensitivity of the time, recognize the situation and be able to take decisions at the right moment. Shekhar Koirala, who was engaged in the campaign to change the Congress when he could not take decisions at the right moment, came to the decisive stage and changed himself. Khadka had already got that opportunity, but he could not understand the changing times and the situation of society. He made fun of his loyalty and honesty for the political security of some brothers.
Khadka considers himself a disciple of the saint leader Kisanuji. However, in the meantime, the general question has arisen as to how much those disciples learned from the Kamaladi incident of 051 BS. At that time, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai was the party president. Girija Prasad Koirala was the general secretary. Under Koirala's direction, a meeting was held at the academy in Kamaladi with the aim of dividing the party. The meeting was chaired by Bhuvikram Nembang. Kisunji's nephew Binod Bhattarai recalls that moment, saying, 'Breaking the circle of his associates, Kisunji took a taxi and went straight to Kamaladi. No one had invited him. He went straight to the stage wearing green slippers. Some people insulted him there, Kisunji drank the poison of that insult and sat on the stage and prevented the party from splitting.'
Why couldn't Khadka, who considers Kisunji his political guru, show the courage, wisdom and unity of Kisunji 32 years ago now? If he had also been present at the inauguration session of Bhrikutimandap on Poush 27, there would not have been a separate meeting in Sanepa now.
The demand for ownership until the day of the inauguration of the special general convention was the only main agenda of Gagan-Bishwa. That demand was neither against the statute nor unnatural. But Khadka and the then establishment were not ready for it. As a result, the demand increased, tension increased and finally it led to the selection of a new central working committee.
Looking back for a moment, in the central working committee meeting on Asoj 28, Sher Bahadur Deuba not only gave a message of separation from active politics, but he had also entrusted the responsibility of holding the general convention within the time specified by the statute. Based on that, Khadka could have held a regular general convention, if he had taken that leadership decision on time. Deuba's tragic exit would not have happened. There would not have been such a huge fear of his own political insecurity. However, Khadka took the time to accumulate power and went with the strategy of holding a general convention in his favor.
Politics does not always run in a straight line. It keeps changing according to the situation. Sher Bahadur Deuba was fine before going to Singapore for health treatment. However, after returning, Deuba started drawing power within the party himself. And Khadka started running meetings and exercising power. The balance of power within the party completely changed. Ticket manipulation, the rivalry with UML, and election ambitions all increased dissatisfaction among the youth who were carrying the issue of leadership change within the party.
It would not be fair to blame Khadka alone for the situation in which the Congress is today. But the fact that he failed to make good use of the historical opportunity he received cannot be forgotten. It was his big political mistake to spend a month and a half deciding whether to hold a general convention before the election by starting a practice to run a 'faction' that Deuba himself had left during the last term.
Gagan and Biswa, who have reached the driving seat of the Congress today, are not the elite of the Congress. They are the most expected youth in contemporary politics who have come here after rebelling from the grassroots level. Moreover, Khadka is the character who inspired them to move forward politically. These youth, who have created hope not only within the party but also in the country, should be happy and welcomed as my brothers as guardians. But the level of attack being made against them by Khadka now, is not in line with his own political culture and character.
The youth he raised, educated and promoted should be thrilled when they reach the party leadership today. Khadka is challenging from the streets that the country's transitional situation should be taken to the right 'triac' by accepting the results and embracing it with an open heart. The meeting held in Sanepa on Saturday under his chairmanship decided that the decision to go to court and fight on the streets against the Election Commission's decision is unfortunate. That decision neither serves the interests of the party, nor does it concern the future of the country's young generation. However, nothing is seen in it except the satisfaction of one's own political insecurity. In today's contemporary politics, generational change was inevitable. For a long time, the development of leadership in big parties had been like a stagnant pond. Some kind of rebellion was needed to break the fortress built to get out of it. The rebellion that Gagan-Bishwa carried out. Who destroyed the 'musical chairs' of power that was built around two or three people. This has ended the chapter of not only former President Sher Bahadur Deuba, but also of a large number of leaders who are becoming 'date expired' in politics. The leadership should always be able to give the right direction at the right time in history. If Khadka can self-evaluate his past shortcomings, remember history and assimilate the generational transition, he can still become a guiding guardian for the Congress. Otherwise, all the questions will remain on him.
