The political freedom, economic and social development potential that we currently enjoy is not yet fully achieved. We still have a lot to do. However, the freedom we have achieved today and the basis for living as human beings did not come easily.

It has taken a lot of hard struggle and sacrifice to reach the current situation. Far from improving the living standards of the people, the old state system oppressed and exploited them in many ways. It had no interest in the development of the country. It did not even want to discuss the rule of law and human rights. 

The right of citizens to speak was established only after a continuous fight against a cruel and undemocratic regime. Today's new generation is enjoying the opportunity to speak. This generation speaks against the current system and it is important for them to know the story of that time. 

Only if the past is understood correctly and the right perspective is formed, it will be easy to adopt a roadmap for a beautiful future. The new possibilities that have emerged in the country today should be seen in the light of past achievements. 

All struggles against exploitation and injustice have far-reaching significance, but some rebellions have special significance. The Piskar Rebellion is inscribed in history as a struggle that will never be forgotten. The message given by the Piskar rebellion is still considered very important in Nepal's political movement.

On the day of Maghe Sankranti, a procession is held in Piskar in Sindhupalchowk. The shops in the city market are decorated with knives, ghee, and tilura. During the procession, a large crowd of people from Mahadevthan, Dhuskun, Tauthali, Tekanpur, and Chogati areas gather in Piskar, which is otherwise deserted. It is customary to stay awake all night and light lamps. Dancing and singing are done to pass the night. Since it is an area where the minority Thami community is predominant, their cultural life and identity can be seen in the procession.

The situation in Piskar 41 years ago was very different. There was a lot of atrocities in the village. However, there was no situation to talk about the atrocities. The school was only in name, poverty was rampant. Most of the farmers made a living by working as wage laborers, carpenters, and laborers. The lack of cultivable land, the low yield even if there was, the large-scale land was owned by the rich, and the need to pay taxes were the reasons for poverty. The Thami used to make straw huts, baskets, troughs, and huts. The suffering was great, but the income was very low. The Thami's children rarely went to school. Child marriage and the Dhami-Jhakri system were widespread. There were constant quarrels and lawsuits. The village was in turmoil and unrest.

Even though democracy was established against the extreme exploitation and oppression of the Rana regime, the Panchayat rulers had not done any concrete work in favor of the poor farmers. An awakening was being created to take forward the movement from a new direction to free the Nepali working poor farmers, who had been toiling under the yoke of feudal autocracy for ages, from the clutches of exploitation and oppression forever. After the victory of the Panchayat party in the 2035 referendum in the clash between the Panchayat and the multi-party system, the youth who supported reformism in the movement were sentenced to various prison terms. The government side and the local feudal lords of the village were eager to take their oppression to the peak.

The Armed Police Force was mobilized from the government level to suppress the movement that arose among the people. On the day of Maghe Sankranti in 2041 BS, the government mobilized the police to the place where a progressive cultural program was being held in Piskar, Sindhupalchowk to raise public awareness. They shot and killed Thami and Bir Bahadur Thami.

After that, the movement spread to about 50 districts of the country in protest against the killing of 2 farmers and the injury of dozens by firing hundreds of rounds of bullets. Millions of pamphlets were distributed. Dozens of public meetings and rallies were held. 23 people from Sindhupalchowk and hundreds of protesters across the country were arrested. The movement received support from both home and abroad, and it also exposed the murderous nature of the autocratic regime and the Panchayat rulers. 

In Piskar, where the poor Thami community was in the majority, there were very few opportunities for economic gain. Goats, chickens, and people lived in a small hut. In the name of property, there was only a cracked and leaking silver plate, a ladle, a clay pot for drinking water, one or two sickles, a spade, and so on. Even in winter, the Thami community often did not wear blankets or warm clothes. They would light a fire with the sticks they found in the forest and spend the night in that warmth. 

The treatment of the poor Thami working in the agricultural sector by the local feudal lords was extremely cruel. No matter what atrocities were inflicted on them, they would not have the courage to speak out against such injustices because they were slaves to their livelihoods, including debt. 

The wage of an agricultural laborer was 4 mana of paddy per day. Even that 4 mana was not fully paid, that is, the amount given by the feudal lords was very small. The grain was mixed with stones, soil, chaff, etc. No matter what kind of grain was given, the poor could not resist. In addition, they did not pay the wages of 5/7 farmers per year by calling them Bethi, Guhar, Tika, Furka, etc. Since the wages were extremely low and the working hours were long, the living standards of the poor in the village were becoming difficult. 

The very existence of a class society is based on exploitation and discriminatory structures. In order to stabilize economic exploitation, the feudal class encourages political, social and religious-cultural exploitation. The exploitation in Piskar could not be separated from this perspective. The repression of people when they tried to become politically aware and organized, the prosecution of people on charges of being 'extremists' when they opposed social discrimination, the emphasis on making the priestly class the driving force of society by diluting religion and feudal culture, confirms these statements. 

Even when the Birta was abolished in 2016, the farmers here did not get any rights. Despite all the propaganda that the Guthi system had been simplified, the Poorets, Jimmuwals, Mukhiyas, etc. here did not stop harassing the poor in the name of Guthi. In 2021/22, the tillage forms were filled in the names of the farmers and those who received the tillage certificate were not given ownership at the time of survey, and all the Guthi were included in the Guthi by making hills and valleys as boundaries. And, Birta was converted into Guthi. When the farmers repeatedly struggled, demanding that the land should be in the name of the tillage family and that the Guthi land should be raker, the government did not pay any attention to the farmers' demands, thinking that the basis of feudal exploitation would be undermined by religious beliefs.

The Panchayat political system was a system that operated according to the rules and laws of the constitution, which was made in a class-based manner to serve the exclusive interests of the landlords and those with large economic status. The administration, judiciary and political bodies of this system used to implement what the poor class said and advocate for the rich class. This had a similar effect in Piskar. The struggles for the economic and social well-being of the poor community were very closely linked to the struggle for political rights. The experience gained from the long struggle helped to conclude that political, economic, social and cultural rights are complementary to each other. 

The young generation of Piskar gradually began to think that something must be done against the feudal exploitation there. Especially when the village panchayat elections were contested in 2027/28, some young people had started gathering to protest exploitation, injustice and atrocities. The difficulties faced by the farmers while carrying out the unorganized movement spontaneously in their own way were also inspiring them to unite and struggle. The poor class and gender inequality are the foundations of economic and social contradictions. These contradictions began to be expressed in political contradictions. 

In the thirties, the Panchayat regime was politically very oppressive. The underground communist parties were in a state of disintegration due to division. On the one hand, the people of the rural areas wanted to be free from traditional discrimination, economic exploitation and poverty, on the other hand, the organizational activities of the Communist Party were increasing. They were moving forward with activities ranging from seizing the rice granaries of the landlords, tearing up fake tamsuks to raising class consciousness through cultural programs. Later, reports of such activities started reaching the local administration.

By the time the student movement of 2035/36 reached the referendum, anti-Panchayat public awareness had risen significantly in Sindhupalchowk. Farmers were becoming active in organized activities. Party work had also progressed intensively among the women's community. The ruling class had raised objections to the increase in such activities not only in the capital but also in the district connected to China and had increased surveillance.

Piskar's struggle and resistance were against the feudal regime. What has the society it was trying to change become now? Aren't we forgetting the contribution of the minority Thami, Pahari caste, and others there, who have been suffering oppression for a long time, to making Nepali society qualitatively better? These questions are still being asked. The achievements achieved through a very courageous and sacrificial struggle against violent oppression are not enough, but they are very important.