Gagan Thapa, a talented leader and MP of the Nepali Congress, is a figure who has been making waves in politics in one way or another. This influential figure of the latest generation is currently very active in the party's internal politics and is always at the top of the discussion.

Gagan has been at the peak of discussion recently after the Gen-G rebellion. Currently, the discussion about him is focused on the special convention of the Nepali Congress that he proposed.

He is currently established as the General Secretary in the Central Committee of the Congress. That is why, after the Congress Working Committee decided that a regular general convention cannot be held immediately on the eve of the election, he has argued that a 'special convention' should be held before going to the election.

General Secretary Gagan has already made arrangements for the meeting room and other infrastructure for the special general convention. However, in the current crisis, what will be the positive or negative results of the special convention proposed by Gagan? Congress leaders have not been able to have a clear idea about this.

It is natural that Gagan Thapa is in a hurry. His desire to bring about a radical change in the structure of the Nepali government is not unnatural either. However, the situation in the country after the Gen-G rebellion is not normal. Will the elections scheduled for Falgun 21 take place or not? Most people's minds are filled with doubts.

Time is not as simple as it is thought, it is fluid. Gagan Thapa has not failed to understand this. The mood of Nepali society has been disturbed by the Gen-G rebellion. No one seems to have any hope that tomorrow's governance system will not be disrupted. What is the basis for believing that the special convention called by Gagan will be successful? 

Rather than discussing leader Gagan negatively, how effective has he been in changing the existing governance and political system in the country? It is necessary to assess that. It is not that Gagan is unaware that the intellectuals of the Western world have made developing countries like ours their playground.

How did the government of neighboring Bangladesh keep the previous ruling party, the Awami League, and its leader Sheikh Hasina, out of the election process? Leaders of all democratic parties in Nepal should analyze that. Gagan has not clearly put forward the agenda of the proposed special convention.

What will be the achievement of this special convention? How will it free the Nepali Congress Party from its current miserable situation? How will the special convention take the Nepali Congress Party, which is falling short of its objectives and goals, to greater heights? Can a special convention truly explain the current situation and bring the cadres to ‘agreement’? 

The Nepali Congress has reached a peak of controversy and distrust after the Sushila Karki-led government formed after the ‘Gen-G’ rebellion and destruction set the date for the parliamentary elections. General Secretary Gagan is campaigning to call a ‘special’ convention of the Nepali Congress before the parliamentary elections ‘to be held’ on Falgun 21.

President Sher Bahadur Deuba, who was in the mood to retire from the party presidency after the deadly attack in the name of Gen-G, had unofficially appointed Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka as the ‘acting’ and went to Singapore for medical treatment. Deuba, who returned from Singapore refreshed, is now active as the president.

Meanwhile, the turban of acting president given to Vice President Khadka remains intact. The so-called ‘intellectual and thoughtful’ leaders of the Congress had commented that Vice President Khadka ‘lacks decision-making capacity’. This comment made on Vice President Khadka was perhaps unjustified. However, there is no justice or injustice in politics. Power is the main interest. 

The history of the Nepali Congress is different from the history of any other political party in the country. The Congress has continuously struggled hard for the establishment of democracy in the country. After the success of the People's Revolution in 2007, the Congress remained in the movement demanding a democratic system of governance until 2015. 

After King Mahendra's regression to the autocratic Panchayat regime in 2017, the next decade was spent in the struggle against the Panchayat under the leadership of Suvarna Shumsher. During this period, leaders such as BP Koirala, Ganeshman Singh, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Ram Narayan Mishra, Yogendraman Sherchan and others were imprisoned.

Although the leaders were released from prison due to national and international pressure, there was no democratic political environment in the country. After their release, BP and Ganeshman Singh went into exile. Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, who was released from prison a few years after BP and Ganeshman Singh, worked very hard to reorganize the internal organization of the Nepali Congress. 

As the country's major democratic political party, the Nepali Congress has never lacked one or the other controversy. Since its inception, small and big conflicts have been taking place in the Congress. The Congress leadership has been known to take those conflicts as a matter of course.

Before the 2046 National People's Movement, Girija Prasad Koirala, as the General Secretary of the Nepali Congress, had been urging the King to run the country's governance system according to the policy of unity and reconciliation as guided by the policy of national unity and reconciliation. However, the King did not accept General Secretary Koirala's proposal.

What happened next was the coordination of the National People's Movement for the Restoration of Democracy. As the universally recognized leader of the Congress, Ganeshman Singh had urged all the leftist parties struggling for democracy in the country to participate in the movement. After this, the storm of the people's movement collapsed the non-party Panchayat system. 

After the change, the Nepali Congress won a majority in the parliamentary elections held in 2048 BS. Krishna Prasad Bhattarai was defeated in the elections. Girija Prasad Koirala, as his natural successor, led the government. The political situation at that time was not normal for Prime Minister Koirala either.

The general convention held in Kalbalgudi, Jhapa in 2048 BS, due to the 'dissatisfaction' of the respected leader Ganeshman Singh, the issue of the leadership of the government after the elections came into great discussion. Many leaders debated fiercely against Prime Minister Koirala.

One faction of the Congress raised its voice against Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala's appointment of Mahesh Acharya as the Minister of State for Finance and the appointment of the leader Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat, who was defeated in the elections, as the Vice-Chairman of the National Planning Commission. The respected leader Ganeshman Singh supported those dissatisfied voices. Speaker Krishna Prasad Bhattarai had to work hard to resolve the dispute. 

The current electoral government formed by President Ram Chandra Poudel, as advised by high-ranking military officers, has not been able to establish any political existence. The Nepali Congress, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML), the Nepal Communist Party of Madhav Nepal and Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda, the Democratic Socialist Party, the Janata Samajwadi Party Nepal, and other Madhesh parties that have taken control of the House of Representatives and the National Assembly are waiting for the elections scheduled for Falgun 21.

However, so far, an encouraging political and social environment has not been created in the country to hold elections. The calls made by the army, the electoral government, and the leaders of the new and old political parties do not mean that there will be free and fair elections. In the current situation, no matter how much they call, there is no such enthusiasm among the people to participate in the vote. It is not that Gagan Thapa or any other leader is unaware of this.

The people have been voting since 2048 BS. However, the 'glittering' results have not come out of nowhere. The country has turned into a small and entertaining market for international companies. Nepalese farmers, renowned for their hard work and simple character, are trapped in the fate of becoming slaves in other countries. 

There is no collective determination among the influential leaders of the Nepali Congress at this time. After the country became a federal republic, no party has been able to run a single government. There is no awareness in the provincial governments formed in the country. The problems of the people are the same. Corruption has increased. The faces of some political and administrative people involved in corruption are coming out as virtuous.

The arrogance and arrogance of the leaders have increased at the cost of the political system. However, the people at the 'powerful' level of the federal government, whether they are Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda, the 'hero' of the Maoist People's War, or KP Oli of the Unified Communist Party, or Sher Bahadur Deuba, the President of the Nepali Congress, are all becoming ineffective and inactive. This is the most tragic situation in current politics.

It is a sad thing that even after two decades of the establishment of the federal republic, the politics of prosperity as expected by the people has not begun. As the parties calling themselves leftists are getting organized, some of the leaders of the Nepali Congress are enjoying their own pleasures. Some are confused themselves.

In particular, the situation of the Nepali Congress Party has started to look unfavorable for the health of democracy. In this situation, how much of a result will the 'special convention' being held on the proposal and call of Congress General Secretary Gagan Thapa be? It is impossible to say. This special convention alone cannot save the Nepali Congress, which has been transformed from a 'dynamic' party to a 'static' party, from becoming irrelevant.