Nepal's politics seems to be trying to walk a strange and uncertain path. Political parties that cannot be reconciled on the basis of principles and beliefs have come together. The current power-centric political parties have not been able to give confidence to the people of any class, any caste, and any culture.

In a country once known as an agricultural country, the peaceful and self-reliant youth generation, who used to live by milking cows, herding oxen, and farming, is now rushing to go for foreign employment. The people, who are crushed by the country's poor economic situation, are looking for a single answer, 'What will happen now?' The ministers of the interim government formed after the movement seem to be more interested in supporting their own ambitions than in the smooth running of the government. The messages they broadcast on social media seem like a show-off. The ministers who give slogans of 'delivery' politics are engaged in anti-people activities.

What and what kind of delivery is the Sushila-led government trying to deliver by driving bulldozers into people's homes before the sun has set in the name of road expansion in Hetauda, ​​the capital of Bagmati Province? It has become an incomprehensible puzzle. If the ministers of the government formed to hold elections continue to use force in the name of development and demonstrate 'power' against the innocent people, this will probably be the main reason for the failure of the Sushila Karki-led government. Has the government led by Sushila Karki, appointed as the Prime Minister by President Ram Chandra Poudel on the recommendation of the army, seen the intentions and destiny of this government? This assumption has become unfathomable. 

Elections for the federal parliament are underway in the country. However, the people are neither excited about the elections, nor are there any preparations for the elections. The people are neither happy that ‘elections are happening’, nor are there any enthusiasm among the party workers participating in the elections. An active Congress worker in Hetauda, ​​the capital of Bagmati Province, said, ‘There will be elections. But what should we say to convince the people to participate in the elections? You have seen the condition of this city. Neither the village drains have been repaired, nor the school roofs have been covered. The government that conducted the elections has terrorized people by using bulldozers in their homes in the name of widening the roads. The government is also in the provinces. The government is also in the center. However, the provincial government is not in a position to make decisions. The federal government has forgotten its duty. This is the sad state of all of us party friends. The pain is the same, everyone. Only the style and manner of expressing it are different.'

The central leaders of the party have gathered to participate in the election. In this process, the then Maoist Center Chairman Prachanda has now become the coordinator of the Nepali Communist Party. Under his leadership, the rational communist leader Jhalanath Khanal, Madhav Kumar Nepal, who led the Communist Party during the long transitional period, and other senior leaders seem to be searching for a way to reach their goals.

Leaders including Janardan Sharma, Ram Karki, and Sudan Kirati, who have been disagreeing with Prachanda's political methods and behavior, have chosen a different path. In the latest political development, KP Sharma Oli has been re-elected as the UML Chairman. After Oli, who has been established in the party leadership as the chairman for the past few years, was re-elected as the party chairman at the recently concluded convention, the great forces who had gathered in the 'summer' with 'hopes and expectations' of change in the UML have been defeated. The deviations seen in the Communist Party of Nepal are not new. Nepali communists are so entangled in 'dialectical materialism' that it is impossible to assess it. 

Not only communist parties, but also the cadres of the Nepali Congress, which has been continuously working to open the door to change by creating a storm of revolution and movement for continuous change with the concept of 'democratic socialism', are equally entangled. The party has already abandoned the concept of democratic socialism. Even in the events after the Gen-G rebellion, it has not been able to bring about much change in its thought process. The Nepali Congress has come to power time and again by making political understandings with both the Maoists and the UML parties. However, at present, it is beginning to be felt that this party, which has a long experience of struggle, is falling into the strong grip of political intermediaries. During the Gen-G rebellion, the attack on Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife was focused on President Deuba, Maoist President Prachanda, and UML President Oli. President Deuba fell victim to it alone.

None of the intellectuals closely associated with the ideology of the Congress, the committed workers of the Congress, and the visible and invisible supporters were able to clearly counter the deadly attack on President Deuba. Instead, most of the people heard the word 'khuching'. This khuching was aimed at all three leaders - Prachanda of the Maoists, Oli of the UML, and Deuba of the Congress. Prachanda was in a safe place in a guerrilla style. That is why he was saved. Prime Minister Oli was under the protection of the army. The elderly Deuba was easily found at his own home. He also had to bear the brunt of the blows inflicted by Prachanda and Oli. 

At this time, the Congress is immersed in a little regret and many controversies. It seems that there is a lot of controversy in the Congress. Elections are the most effective weapon of democracy. After getting a simple majority, a government can be formed. Then, according to the vision of his party, development work can be carried out in villages and cities. BP Koirala, the founder of the Congress and a thinker of democratic socialism, used to think in favor of farmers. He used to say that the meeting room of the National Planning Commission should have a photo of the poor farmer, not the king, and plans should be made to meet his needs.

Now, everything is being done contrary to his ideas. Yes, times have changed, but in the opposite way. The party's principles and beliefs have not changed after the 2046 mass movement. However, the character, conduct and nature of those who claim to be users of socialist society have changed. The leaders, especially those now known as Gen-G, have lost the ability to attract the younger generation, to use the knowledge they need, and to analyze and solve their problems. Sometimes by looting with the Maoists, sometimes by embracing the UML and compromising on principles for petty gains, the power of the Congress is decreasing.

The Congress party has started to fall into the clutches of factions. Due to the feudal thinking and feudal behavior of the leaders, the attraction of the new generation towards the party has started to decrease. The current leaders and future leaders have become unconscious. They have no ideals or feelings left. The sole purpose of reaching power and enjoying happiness seems to be in them. What bird is the name of conscience? It is not known. There is a lack of knowledge in the new leaders who will do anything and everything to fulfill their single ambition. After a movie actor makes a compelling speech, the audience naturally applauds. However, the effect of that applause is fleeting. It is not appropriate for a leader who cannot fulfill the minimum needs of the people in his constituency to play the role of good governance. 

The Congress was not the 'meow' of the United People's Movement of 2062, but the creator. That movement bid farewell to the monarchy from Nepal. However, after the success of the movement, the size of the Congress gradually began to shrink. Its base began to crumble. Its influence in all the geography of Nepal, including Madhesh, hills and mountains, gradually began to fade. The strong historical background of the Congress party, which the Madheshi people view with a very positive perspective, began to be confined to the pages of history. However, so far, the Congress is holding its own. 

In the open, the old style of politics of different 'faction' is not visible in the Congress at the moment. However, in the indirect way, factional politics seems to be active. However, the factions of the Congress have transformed into broad groups. When will which leader side with whom? It is not known. There are not few people in Madhesh who are rushing to reach the leadership of the Nepali Congress. Everyone is rushing to establish their hold on the organization. However, the center of the Congress has become weak. The belief that whoever becomes the president becomes the prime minister is strong. Due to this belief, the tradition of selecting the prime minister on a competitive basis has shrunk in the Congress. Moreover, the 'popular' parties that have suddenly appeared like a comet in recent times have become a puzzle for the Congress. 

The idea that whoever becomes the head of the party is also the head of the government has developed in the Nepali Congress and other political parties. The practice of not selecting the leader of the party's parliamentary party based on merit and competition has also narrowed the Congress and other parties. No party leadership has wanted to break the undemocratic tradition of the party president or chairman being the prime minister for its own interests. Until contemporary leaders end this tradition, both the party and the government cannot be effective.

The practice of the leader of the parliamentary party, who should be directly accountable to the people, leading the government strengthens the foundation of democracy. The party's job is to constantly observe and evaluate the activities of its party in parliament. When the head of the government is also the head of the party, both the government and the party cannot play an effective role. This is a polar truth.