It is not difficult to see that even in Ilam, a politically conscious place, the psychology of political fatigue is becoming dominant among the general public. The question that is asked to start a conversation in a tea shop is - which party is likely to win the upcoming election? The answer to the usual question also comes in the form of a counter-question - will there be an election?

And then the thoughts start flowing – Has the election been held in Bangladesh? Another person in the shop answers the expression that Nepal and Bangladesh cannot be compared – That’s right, Nepal and Bangladesh are not the same. But just as elections have been held in Bangladesh instead of elections, there will be no elections in Nepal either.

No matter how much the political parties make noise, from now on there will only be elections in the republic, just like in the Panchayat era. Aren’t elections and elections the same thing? The spontaneous interlocutor laughs – Election is a process that does not matter who wins in a healthy competition, but the ritual of declaring a predetermined candidate as the winner of the law is election.

Although some of the expressions used in English, such as ‘election’ for elections and ‘selection’ for elections, have been slightly translated, the thoughts are taken from a long chatter openly expressed by an unknown interlocutor in the tea shop. To the question of whether he is a professor of political science, his answer was – No, a retired English teacher, now a puran reciter. He was a staunch supporter of the controversial royalist Durga Prasai.

Even though he is well-educated, he is not ashamed to be a supporter of a ‘bank defaulter’ criminal who has not been able to repay his loan, he replies without getting angry – There is no shame in politics, sir, look at the tricks of ‘your leaders’. Then, not wanting to prolong the debate, he walks away. The kind of ‘Panchayati’ talk that was heard in the tea shop at ‘Chandani Chowk’ on the Jaleshwor-Janakpur road in the 1970s was heard much later in Ilam Bazaar. Political awareness does not mean that the right choice should be made. After all, the meaning of the words wrong and right in thought and practice also varies from person to person.

A businessman from Suryodaya Municipality told something that had never been heard before. His explanation was interesting when asked, ‘Here, it is visible everywhere at night, isn’t it?’ Most commentators say that Naxalism reached Ilam via Jhapa. That is not true. The communist ideology descended from Taplejung to Jhapa.

And how did the communists reach Taplejung? ‘They will reach us, sir, the Congress spends its days waiting for horses, the communists walk quickly’! Communist propagandists in the northern part of Dhanusha used to say something similar in the 1980s – ‘You just wait, we will give you number 11, Zindabad.’ Hearing such gossip, I felt that there was an invisible identity between Ilam and Dhanusha. And then, the Mithila Naresh statue from the Ramayana era is sitting in Ilam, and the statue of the poet Kokil Vidyapati is sitting on the Mechi highway, waiting for its formal unveiling.

The most interesting conversation was with a young man from the Bindas Janajati tribe, one of the many motorcyclists who had ridden from Ilam Bazaar to Maipokhari in the evening. Although his hometown was in a village in Ilam, he lived in Itahari. He had come to Ilam from Sunsari because he had to reach the district where he had citizenship to register his name in the voter list. He looked as if he had drunk a little during the day.

When asked what he was doing, he began to give a fluent sermon – ‘At a time like this, employees should work two to four hours more. Some had to stay overnight. I felt like giving a chat. I gave up. I am a gen-ji, you understand. It is our government now, why threaten employees. I went up to see the ‘view’, but the fog made it impossible to see anything.

A better ‘view’ can be seen from the edge of our village below. Have you come from Kathmandu? There, the Gen-G friends have caused trouble. We also did a little vandalism in Itahari Municipality.’ To the question, ‘Didn’t you find it difficult to vandalize a building built with the taxes you paid?’ His enthusiastic answer was as if he easily shed all the vestiges of prejudice – ‘We demolished it, built with our taxes. Our taxes will make it a

again.’ Although it was not logical, his confidence sounded arrogant to the point of being considered reckless. Of course, riding a motorcycle while drunk on a broken mountain road in the evening is not enough. The

debate that has been going on is that the young man, who considers vandalism normal, says, ‘We are Gen-G, aren’t we?’ reminds us of the anarchic arrogance of the Maoist youth in the late 1990s. Young men who looked like Allare would commit robberies by tying red headbands with stars on their heads, and scholar Baburam Bhattarai would defend them by citing Chairman Mao Tse-tung's famous saying, 'Revolution is not a dinner party.'

To some extent, it was natural to scold the children who wandered into Madhesh and called them 'Maoist-like children.' Bhattarai rose to the top of national politics and became Prime Minister, but perhaps because his readiness to unconditionally support the so-called 'revolutionary violence' was not at all diminished, he emerged as the first and foremost vocal approver of the September 8-9, 2025, demolition in contemporary politics.

Whatever the justification given after the incident, there was no political uprising, movement or revolution on September 8-9. It is a fact that some young men gathered at Maitighar Mandal to protest on September 8. The lack of organization and leadership of the protestors may have made it easier for the group willing to spread the agitation to direct the young people to occupy the Parliament building.

Since the protestors did not have a directing structure with disciplined and committed volunteers who could control the crowd, the excited mob vandalized the Parliament building and the panicked or provoked police started firing indiscriminately. It was an unfortunate incident that some of the protesters and the spectators died along with them. The police who went to the hospital in revenge and beat up the injured have definitely committed a crime. The situation that followed for about 24 hours is certainly not just an explosion of public anger.

The common man does not have the courage to set fire to all three organs of the state - the legislature, the executive and the judiciary, along with the residence of the head of state. The angry and furious crowd disperses by vandalizing. A situation where even the security apparatus had to flee in fear could only be created in a limited time by a group trained in established methods of sabotage such as ‘controlled demolition and arson’ and well-prepared for their task. It is not unusual for prisons to be demolished when chaos and anarchy are spreading.

It is not so uncomfortable for the head of the government and leaders of the ruling coalition parties to be the targets of agitated attackers. The police office and the court were certainly targeted by saboteurs eager to disrupt the law and order. There must have been people with vested interests who wanted to target the country's largest media group. However, it is difficult to define the destructive activities carried out to gain the respect of marginalized politicians like Bimalendra Nidhi or Jhalanath Khanal, non-resident Nepali businessmen like Upendra Mahato who prefer to keep a ‘low profile’, or celebrities like Nepal Rastra Bank Governor Bishwa Poudel, who hesitates to say anything that will offend anyone, no matter how much they disagree, as a rebellion of restless urban youth.

The depression of a businessman who kept disagreeing with the columnist was very touching – it is normal for industries and business places to be vandalized due to differences with workers. But what does it indicate when the police, not even from the neighborhood, enter the house of a businessman who is considered the safest and loot and set it on fire? Home is also a person's honor. Sir, 'Have you heard of bribery in a house?' The lack of evidence is not evidence that evidence is not being produced.

The only mainstream politician who can interpret the sponsored and widely publicized interpretation of the September 8-9 incident differently and argue more strongly is Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli, the ethnic chief of the Khas-Arya community. Not every bald man is a Brahmin Kautilya, but wherever Sharma Oli was until 2000 and where he is now after 2015, it does not matter if the contemporary Nepali public circle declares a person who can fly such a political flight as the Chanakya of the Nepali public circle. He made the fiery 'Prachanda' of the Maoist era the letter-bearing chairman of the Nepal Communist Party and made him wander around saying 'laugh and it will happen'.

In normal circumstances, sharing power with his main rival was not only unpolitical but also immoral. He carefully used ethnic opinion makers in Kathmandu to trap Chairman Sher Bahadur Deuba in such a political trap, and now, given the situation, it is becoming very easy for him to escape from his responsibility by blaming all the blame for looting and running a corrupt regime on his junior power partner.

Even if the inquiry commission formed by the 'discarded government' summons Sharma Oli for a statement, he can easily escape by blaming all the responsibility on the Home Minister of the joint cabinet of the NC-UML. If the incident of excessive force by the police is to be considered a crime against humanity, the politicians and officials who brutally suppressed the third Madhesh uprising should first be brought to justice.

Taking moral responsibility is not a punishable criminal act. At most, he will be asked to resign from his post, which he has already done. To what extent, if the election is not held on the scheduled date, his party's preparation is more than that of the remaining competitors. If the election is not held on the scheduled date, then his moral victory is certain, as the fact that no matter how much he tries, the ethnic chieftain cannot be shaken from his seat is being established once again after 2015.

Showy activities

There is political activity in the capital. Although the Nepali Congress has not yet been able to finalize the date of the special general convention or the regular general convention, it has already started the process of registering with the Election Commission with the signature of President Sher Bahadur Deuba. Naturally, those who aspire to get a ticket in the election will see their welfare in following Arju Deuba rather than General Secretaries Bishwa Prakash Sharma and Gagan Thapa.

The arson attack on the Deuba palace in Budhanilkantha, the reprehensible but shameful harassment of the former Prime Minister, and the mistreatment of the incumbent female Foreign Minister seem like a nightmare. In a civilized society, the identity of the criminal is respected, and punishment is not given without a hearing. Mob justice is acceptable only in barbaric communities. Chairman Deuba is trying to escape physical injuries and mental depression and return to active life.

Being a democratic party, there are not only arguments and counter-arguments but also exchanges of accusations within the NC. At one time, the NC was compared to a grass that spreads its roots even though it seems dry and grows quickly as soon as the election is discussed. Today, the NC workers have become like sand, the cement that binds them together to make a rock has become not a common political ideal but only an economic temptation.

Even if the notes burned in the fire are genuine, the return on investment in businessmen by continuing to hold office will not be erased soon. Chairman Deuba is still sitting at the helm of his party. It would be good if there were elections, and even better if the court reinstated the House of Representatives. He is in a comfortable position in contemporary politics.

It is much easier for CPN-UML to become autonomous than NC, because even though it is said to be cadre-based, it is actually a leader-centered party. If we do not understand the matter, we still have to accept that 'UML is Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli and Sharma Oli is UML'. Although he had to resign to save his life just two months ago, he has activated the UML network he built within the permanent government. In the 1980s, there was talk that Tulsi Giri was the 'mother of the Panchayat'. Over time, Surya Bahadur Thapa established himself as the 'mother of the Panchayat'.

Tulsi Giri has no history other than serving as the king's political umbrella. Surya Bahadur's residence, on the other hand, used to be a place where influential politicians used to queue up even during the republican era. Despite facing a period of religious shock, the network of loyalists that Sharma Oli built and nurtured within the permanent government remains intact. Perhaps that is why he has confidently ordered the formation of all 11 subcommittees for the 11th general convention of the party.

A militant unit called the National Volunteer Force (NVF) has been established under the command of Bahubali, who is said to be involved in various serious crimes, for aggressive defense. Since he is the promoter and protector of the aristocracy, he will certainly not lack resources. In the Ekta NC, relatively light politicians like Chiranjeevi Wagle and Narahari Acharya used to crown Girija Prasad Koirala with the democratic presidency by providing legitimacy to the opposition. If Vidya Bhandari herself were to appear in the field, it would be a different matter, otherwise Ishwor Pokharel seems to be able to increase Sharma Oli's political stature.