The horrific caste-based discrimination against the Dalit community in Nepali society, under the protection of the state, has been going on for centuries. The state neither has an account of the all-round exploitation, oppression and oppression that has been continuously inflicted on innocent people in the name of 'untouchables' for the past 70 generations, nor can it compensate for the damage.

Despite the constant opposition of the ‘untouchables’, the Hindu-majority South Asian countries of Nepal and India, in accordance with the theoretical belief of purity and impurity based on Hindu philosophy, continued to practice untouchability until the mid-20th century. Although it has been legally considered a crime against human rights in the 21st century, it has not been abolished in practice. The idea of ​​untouchability is not only becoming a burden for society today, it is also becoming an obstacle to the overall development of the country. 

Economic deprivation

Social laws based on Hinduism have divided human beings with the same body, mind, and brain into ‘untouchables’ and ‘untouchables’, thereby inflicting deep economic exploitation and oppression on the Dalit community. Not only were they isolated from the rest of society due to the low-status professions allocated to them, but their income also became low due to the comparatively harsh and humiliating work. Then their lives became increasingly 

difficult. In those closed societies, the meager income from the Balighare system did not support their livelihood, and they were forced to live as herders and herders and sell their labor for low wages to the so-called upper castes.

With the rise of capitalism, some of the caste professions that the same ‘untouchables’ had preserved have reached a critical state, while others have reached a state where they cannot claim their own. The so-called upper castes, who had been scorned and exploited by making Balighare, took over the caste professions of all three ‘untouchables’ with the rise of the Vaishya era. 

Despite the adverse circumstances, according to the report of the Global Forum on Work and Descent Discrimination (GFOD) (2024), 42 percent of Madhesi Dalits have made a living from traditional caste professions. Where they either work for non-Dalits or rely on caste professions on their own strength to make a living. 

The fact that the same profession is respected when adopted by non-Dalit rich people and looked down upon when operated by Dalits shows a serious flaw in the consciousness of the society trained by Manusmriti. The failure to change the malicious and prejudiced thinking created by the state, socio-cultural institutions and non-Dalits towards the Dalit community makes it difficult for them to live as mere human beings.

Of the land distributed by the rulers in the name of Jagir, Raikar Rajya, Rakam, Birta, Kipat, Zimindari, Ukhada and Sera, which were prevalent during the Malla period, the Shah period before the Rana regime and the Rana period, the facilities other than Raikar were restricted to the 'untouchables'. Only brothers-in-law, relatives, grooms, priests, employees and the army/police had access to the land distributed by the rulers. As the productive resources of the feudal and agricultural society, such as arable land and forests, were dispossessed, it was natural for Dalits to fall into a long-term poverty trap.

Along with this, a large number of Dalit communities were deprived of land ownership as discriminatory rulers and the so-called upper caste Thalu imposed restrictions. According to the GFOD (2024) report, 38.9 percent of Dalits are purely landless. Of these, 36.7 percent are Pahari and 41.4 percent are Madhesi Dalits. 

Studies show that some Dalit communities have become landless due to the increase in the amount of loans given to them by the same upper caste ‘Asamis’ to avoid problems of inheritance or inheritance and even grabbing the remaining land by creating fake documents.

Basically, as the Dalit community was completely deprived of economic opportunities, it fell into a vicious cycle of poverty. According to the Nepal Living Standards Survey Fourth Report (2024), 20.27 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, while the International Dalit Solidarity Network (2018) shows that the poverty rate of Dalits is 42 percent. 

The Dalit community is at high risk of food insecurity and malnutrition due to land deprivation under various pretexts. According to the Global Hunger Index report (2021), 19.5 percent of Nepalis are at risk of food insecurity, while 55.8 percent of Dalits are suffering from food insecurity.

With their exclusion from access to economic resources, they are pushed away from basic amenities essential for human life such as education, quality health services, safe drinking water, electricity, and safe housing. The Department of Statistics (2021) report shows that the average life expectancy of Nepalis is 73.1 years, while according to the GFOD report (2024), the average life expectancy of Dalits is only 67 years. The data presented highlights how Dalits are deprived in all areas, including economic access, due to the caste system.

Political/Structural Oppression

In Nepal, two decades after the establishment of the republic, political and structural discrimination against Dalits has not only continued, but the gap between political and structural discrimination has deepened. 

Even in a democratic republic, the fact that not a single Dalit face is seen in important executive positions of the state such as the President, Prime Minister, Speaker, Chairman of the National Assembly, Chief Justice, Chief Secretary, Inspector General of Police, and Chief of Army Staff is not a continuation of caste discrimination from the past. Even now, the Dalit community has a very low representation in political parties.

The entire state structure and parties seem lenient even in the implementation of the reservation system made constitutionally/legally for Dalit participation. The 14th General Convention (2021) of the country's old democratic power Nepali Congress elected 11 Dalits to the 168-member Central Committee, while only 117 Khas Aryas were among the total. 

Even though the population of 16.45 percent Kshetri and 11.29 percent Brahmins in Nepal is 27.47 percent, it seems that this 27 percent population group has 70 percent control in the Congress. The situation is no different in other political parties. 

The CPN-UML had formed a Central Committee of 301 members in its 10th General Convention (2021). Of these, 21 people (6.64 percent) were from the Dalit community. While 170 Khas Aryas (56.47 percent) were elected to the Central Committee. Even the CPN-Maoist Center, which is said to have been formed through the support, cooperation and sacrifice of the Dalit community after the formation of the constitution, did not want to bring the Dalit community into the leadership. Apart from showing that inclusion has been ensured and inclusion has been ensured when the law makes it mandatory, the parties do not seem to be interested in ensuring the political rights of the Dalit community. It seems that there is an unspoken ban on political parties for Dalits.

The representation of the Dalit community in the judiciary that dispenses justice is only symbolic. Out of the 409 judges in the Supreme Court, High Courts and District Courts, 6 (1.39) percent are Dalits. Similarly, Dalit representation in the civil service, which is considered a permanent government, is limited to only 2.21 percent. Looking at the data registered with the National Dalit Commission on caste discrimination for the past 3 years, it is seen that the graph of discrimination is increasing every year. In the fiscal year 2079/080, 55 cases were registered, in the fiscal year 2079/080, 58 in the fiscal year 2080/81 and 64 in the fiscal year 2081/082.